Category PRESIDENCY

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secession talk is another question demanding answers.

Mar 25, 13 4:58 PM

muhooziUganda: secession talk is another question demanding answers.
By Elamu denis ejulu

Politicians have always been the ones known to echo sentiments on secession, of late this year the Acholi members of parliament, reignited the debate on the issue, which has been treated overtime with entrenched suspicion within the ruling NRM and various sections of the country.

This writer would like to add his voice, to this intricate question that has been around as old as this country (Uganda). A section of politicians has chosen to treat this subject (secession) in ethnic lenses from Buganda’s demand for federalism and now the much touted Nile republic (stretching from northern Uganda to South Sudan).

According to Wikipedia, the term “secession” refers to separatism which includes autonomism and self determination/greater autonomy. A clear example has been the agitation by the Scottish nationalist party (SNP) which on winning a majority in the Scottish parliament in 2011, intends to hold a referendum on independence —- in the autumn of 2014.

This would mean that the 1706 treaty of union agreed upon between England and Scotland would come to an end. Meaning the later would seek self determination which is enshrined in the U.N.charter resolution 1514(XV).

The Scottish may seem to have advanced beyond issues like chronic poverty, bad governance but they too like any other society have genuine grievances, which are popular within themselves. Uganda can borrow a cue from such, since we belong to the common wealth of nations.

This does not make us act exceptional, fore stance under the federal agreement that created Uganda, on independence in 1962 between the 14 communities, could be revisited in case of dissatisfaction with the marriage that created Uganda.
Therefore the talk on separation or autonomism, should not be treated with acrimony but accepted as part of the several opportunities, that could heal certain historical problems in our country. The NRM must choose either dialogue as enshrined in article 29, of the constitution or simply repressiveness, postponing the trouble.

It has been propagated by some individuals, that if some regions are granted autonomy or semi-autonomy the country will descend into anarchy. This has been argued in a defeatist manner that seeks to silence even the slightest deliberations on a possibility of regional autonomy (federal system).

In my opinion, this would be the best model for this country. We have been at war within ourselves for over the last 50 years. From the 1962-66 till today we have endured a centralized system of government that has absorbed all resources for the ruling elites, while suffocating the county governments.

This has been coupled with endemic corruption, nepotism and incompetence at the top affecting service delivery at the lower levels of the polity. For us to cure the problems created by the powerful presidency and mal administration.
We need a paradigm shift as a country and this would be federation of the country. Those who argue for secession may not do it out of hate, greed or chauvinism but they try to give the centre chance to reform and ensure equity, effective service delivery and rule of law but much of their effort is instead misconstrued by the suspicious rulers to be anti-nationalists and myopic.
A case in point since 1986 the northern part of this country has been at war (either victims of a war they didn’t start or the perceived marginalization). Its only of recent after the cessation of hostilities between government and the LRA that normalcy started to return, but with all this, came the problem of land grabbing, nodding disease and even the little affirmative programmes geared towards alleviating social deprivation like the peace, recovery and development programme funds (PRDP) were embezzled by corrupt officials in the office of the prime minister.

Such scenarios are what motivate people, to wonder whether they should continue to be under a corrupt, unjust and intolerant NRM government? Instead they opt to determine their destiny but out of frustration amid several opportunities for reforms not forth-coming.

The Museveni administration should not abdicate its constitutional duty of ensuring that equitable development, justice and service delivery is for all. Efforts at silencing secession talk will be treating symptoms, while running away from ameliorating the injustice and maladministration.

Our elites should learn to speak from informed views, one wonders as if this country is the only one where secession is being discussed? Right next to our door step in Kenya, a nationalist group based in Mombasa is demanding separation, citing issues like unfair distribution of land.

This takes us to learn a few from embattled Mali once a vibrant democracy 5 years ago, the MNLA (Tuareg nationalist group) on citing alleged inequality waged a rebellion against the several successive governments in Bamako based on failure to address historical aspirations of the Tuareg people .

The result has been instability in that Sahel country as of late.
No one can claim that all is well in the country; due to perceived injustice it’s a danger for the political elites to celebrate oil discoveries around Albertine grabben and Amuru. in those regions the locals may feel it’s an opportunity to demand for secession, with intent to put more pressure on the centre for reforms and equity. Since they believe the corrupt who have before stolen money for malaria, tuberclusis will not spare the oil resource.

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Why Uganda must reject another military government

Nov 18, 12 1:01 PM

The life of an average woman in Uganda's rural areas

The life of an average woman in Uganda’s rural areas

Readers must be wondering why I am writing prolifically about Uganda on a wide range of topics. There are three main reasons.

1. Uganda is at a crossroads and we must decide quickly which development path we need to take and the kind of leadership required. It is now recognized that the principal constraint in Uganda’s development is the background and quality of leadership. We need to examine economic and social performance under civilian and military leadership since independence in 1962 and draw conclusions.

2. I have been covering many topics in an inter-connected manner in economics, politics and regional/international relations because development is multi-dimensional. I have introduced a seminar on Radio Uganda Boston, USA on political economy to show how politics and economics affect each other and shouldn’t be treated as separate entities in policy formulation. The NRM government’s approach is virtually one dimensional. For example, in increasing crop production and livestock herding especially with introduction of commercial goats, the government has not taken environmental degradation seriously into account. Also, education has not been linked with employment opportunities to the extent that over 80 percent of Uganda youth are unemployed.

3. It was decided at the second UDU conference in Boston, USA in October 2011 that we should step up civic education because there was a serious shortage of information leading to taking inappropriate decisions with adverse outcomes.

Uganda’s development under the civilian regime

Apart from the 1966/67 political and constitutional crisis, Uganda did very well in economic and social development in the 1960s. By 1970 Uganda’s economy was growing at a comfortable rate of close to eight percent, the fastest in East Africa. Furthermore, economic growth fed into social sectors and raised living standards. This rapid economic growth and development was recognized by the World Bank among other partners and by the NRM government itself. Here is what they wrote.

In its 1993 report on “Trends in Development Economies” the World Bank recorded that “Despite being landlocked, [Uganda] had ample fertile land and a favorable climate for agricultural growth, a relatively well-developed manufacturing sector, and an adequate transportation system. GDP growth was about 6 percent a year from 1963 to 1970, and relative price stability was maintained. At independence in 1962 [colonial administration was civilian] Uganda had one of the most vigorous and promising economies in Sub-Saharan Africa, and the years following independence amply demonstrated its economic potential. Uganda’s social indicators were comparable to, if not better than, most countries in Africa. The country’s health service had developed into one of Africa’s best. Uganda pioneered many low-cost health and nutrition programs. There was a highly organized network of vaccination centers and immunization programs reached 70 percent of the population. Although school enrolment was still low, [by 1970], Uganda’s education system had developed a reputation for very high quality” (World Bank 1993).

This is what we call economic growth and development showing the inter-linkage between economic growth and social advancement. Economic growth per se is necessary but not a sufficient condition for improving human condition. In Uganda particularly since the 1990s we have had jobless economic growth and highly skewed income distribution, leaving over fifty percent of the population trapped in absolute poverty.

In his statement of December 1989 at a conference in Kampala on Uganda’s economy, the minister of finance acknowledged that Uganda’s economy did well up to the early 1970s. He stated “The country had a diversified export base and earned substantial foreign currency to meet its needs. The industrial sector produced a wide range of consumer goods to satisfy local demands and a little surplus was exported to the neighboring countries. The civil service then was well formed and had capability to implement programs. There was an enterprising Asian and African middle class which ran the private sector effectively. Indeed the economy was growing at a rate of 5% per annum” (Papers Presented at the Uganda Seminar on the Economy since 1986 June 1990). Although still neocolonial in structure, NRM recognized that Uganda economy was buoyant during the civilian government in the 1960s.

Although frustrated by adverse security situation and the guerilla war, IMF/World Bank conditionality, transport bottlenecks and natural adversity like drought, the UPC civilian government recorded a comfortable real GDP growth rate averaging 6 percent per annum between 1981 and 1984 as its record in the 1960s. Agricultural performance was largely responsible for this growth (Uganda Human Development Report 1996). Under the civilian government between 1963 and 1970 and between 1981 and 1984 Uganda’s economy and society did reasonably well particularly in the 1960s.

Thus, under UPC, the civilian government led by the cabinet crafted and implemented appropriate policies that produced real results that improved the quality of life of the vast majority of Ugandans particularly in the 1960s.

Uganda’s under-development under Amin military regime

Things changed abruptly reversing the development trajectory after the military overthrow of the civilian government in 1971 and the ascendancy of Amin. Instead of running the country on well thought out development policies and following standard procedures, Amin adopted a different approach based on instructions from God communicated to him through dreams. And Amin had many dreams.

1. Amin dreamt that God instructed him that all civilians in the cabinet must become military cadets so they are tried in military courts for mistakes committed in discharging their duties. This decision undermined incentive as doing virtually nothing was safer than initiating programs that might fail along the way. It is reported that when the minister of finance advised Amin that money isn’t just printed on orders of the president, he was punished.

2. Amin dreamt that God had instructed him that all Asians – non-citizens and citizens alike – be expelled from Uganda within 90 days because they had “milked Uganda cows without feeding them”. He stuck to the dictates of the dream and Asians left the country on time without giving thought about economic and social implications. The temporary benefits to those who took over Asian businesses soon evaporated and the economy headed down the drain accompanied by social decadence.

3. Amin dreamt again. This time he was instructed that all land in Uganda be brought under cultivation regardless of who owned it to boost GDP growth without paying attention to environmental consequences and potential conflicts over land ownership. This reckless dream resulted in massive destruction of vegetation in wet lands, on steep slopes and in water catchment areas that had been protected against human activities. Disputes over land ownership ensued with some serious consequences especially in areas where land is in short supply. And hunting of wild life was so severe that surviving animals migrated to DRC where they took refuge! The exposed soil was subjected to serious erosion from strong winds and heavy tropical storms, losing its fertility in the process and resulting in reduced productivity and total agricultural production. GDP soon declined and Amin was faced again with the old problem of providing adequate goods and services for a restive population especially mercenaries from Sudan and DRC.

4. Having run out of domestic options to keep the population in line, Amin dreamt that Uganda’s land lost to Kenya should be recovered all the way to Naivasha. He thought this adventure would rally Ugandans behind him and buy him time. Then he changed his mind and decided instead to invade Tanzania, provoking a military response that he regretted for the rest of his life. Amin was overthrown in 1979 with much destruction in human lives and properties particularly in Masaka and Mbarara towns and areas between Tanzania border and Kampala.

The point being underlined here is that Amin behaved as a military commander while president of a country issuing decrees as he was used to issuing orders as a military commander. He had no time for ministers and advisers and ignored policies that they had drawn up.

The human, institutional and physical capital that had been built before he assumed leadership of the country was devastated. Ugandans died, Ugandans got imprisoned, Ugandans fled the country and those who stayed drifted from town to the countryside to a relatively safe distance from the wrath of Field Marshall Amin.

Uganda’s under-development under Museveni military regime

Notwithstanding the failures of Amin’s military regime, Ugandans gave Museveni benefit of the doubt because of his development rhetoric during the guerrilla war and the fact that he had attended college at Dar, Tanzania against Amin who completed grade two.

No sooner had he settled in than he began to behave like Amin in terms of taking unilateral decisions. Quite early on in his presidency he indicated that he was the only person with a vision for Uganda, similar to military commanders.

1. It is believed that the idea of barter trade was Museveni’s and he wouldn’t entertain any advice. Those who attempted were sidelined. As Kanyeihamba then minister of commerce in charge of barter trade reported, the whole idea was a failure and a big liability to Uganda. Uganda ended up worse off than if it had followed classical trade practice of exporting agricultural raw materials in exchange for manufactured products.

2. Museveni virtually alone took the decision to abandon the well prepared and balanced ten point program and replace it with the worst form (shock therapy) of stabilization and structural adjustment program (SAP). He rejected reports and dismissed the minister of finance and governor of the central bank who apparently supported a gradual and sequenced approach to minimize social and environmental costs. He strictly adhered to the IMF/World Bank rigid conditionality based on market forces and private sector as the engine of growth and trickle down as the mechanism to distribute the benefits of economic growth with a huge cost that forced him to abandon SAP in 2009.

3. He embarked on privatization of public enterprises without adequate studies and consultation with parliament, insisting that mistakes should be corrected as they surfaced. Privatization has turned out costly. Investment and job creation have fallen far below expectations.

4. Diversification of export production has deprived Ugandans of adequate food with serious nutritional deficits especially among children and women. Because of this poorly constructed trade strategy, food surplus regions such as Mbarara, Bushenyi and former Kigezi districts have become food deficit areas.

5. Museveni didn’t pay much attention to the environmental consequences of his decisions. He allowed construction in towns to be directed by the wishes of developers. Consequently areas in Kampala for instance that had been reserved as water drainage channels were taken over by buildings that have blocked water runoff with flooding and mosquito breeding in stagnant water as the result. Kampala hill slopes have been de-vegetated to create room for housing without steps to control water runoff. In rural areas extensive clearing of vegetation to increase agricultural production and ranches for livestock herding to increase beef exports have seriously destroyed the environment with adverse hydrological and thermal regimes as manifested in frequent and severe droughts and floods; local climate change and spread of mosquito into previously cooler places like Kabale with devastating health consequences especially among children without immunity.

6. From the beginning, Museveni didn’t believe that Uganda should be developed along the classical stages of economic growth starting with the Green Revolution to Industrial and Information and Communication Revolution. At a conference in Addis Ababa to launch the report on Africa’s Green Revolution, President Museveni asked specifically whether development must always proceed from green to industrial and finally to information revolution. The response was yes. From his body language Museveni didn’t buy it and hasn’t implemented it in Uganda. Instead Museveni has chosen to develop Uganda like Singapore, a city state based on high tech. That is why he has created Greater Kampala and encourages rural-urban population mobility and paid little attention to rural and industrial development. This is confirmed by the fact that some seventy percent of Uganda’s National Gross Income (GNI) is generated in Kampala with less than two million people out of a total population of 25 million. With Greater Kampala now operational and under his overall supervision, more resources will be invested there and it will generate a higher level of GNI than at present. The countryside and manufacturing sectors will likely continue to be neglected. Business in Greater Kampala is likely to be more capital intensive in a sea of unemployed youth. If Museveni had listened to advisers he would have realized that in a country like Uganda with over 80 percent of the population still in the countryside engaged in agriculture, priority would be assigned to the sector. His kind of vision to develop Uganda like Singapore is the wrong way to modernize Uganda.

7. Like Amin, Museveni has had a high propensity to interfere in domestic affairs of neighboring countries in Sudan, DRC, Burundi, Kenya and Rwanda. Apart from diverting huge amount of human and financial resources, Uganda has had bad relations with neighbors except Tanzania. Uganda has been dragged into the United Nations Security Council several times on allegations of military actions and plundering the resources of a neighbor.

The cost of decisions taken by Museveni, the only man with a vision for Uganda’s development has been very high. The economy has slowed from 10 percent in mid 1990s to around three percent currently against a population growing at 3.5 percent which means that per capita income is declining and poverty spreading and deepening.

Socially, all systems in education, healthcare, nutrition and housing are on the verge of collapse. Environmental degradation in rural and urban areas is alarming. Expert reports have warned that if drastic steps are not taken quickly Uganda could become a desert within a hundred years. But Museveni hasn’t paid commensurate attention presumably because by then he won’t be in charge of Uganda.

While Museveni knew there were failures arising from his vision, he thought they could be hidden by reporting economic growth, inflation control, accumulation of currency reserves in the central bank and export diversification. Suddenly diseases that had disappeared reappeared with a vengeance, water bodies home to a variety of fish were depleted, deforestation encroached on Mabira forest mobilizing resistance he had never seen, sprawling urban slums harbored unemployed criminals and demonstrators that have threatened peace and stability.

Museveni is now on the defensive blaming others including for inadequate foreign aid. Be that as it may, Museveni is now presiding over a failed state characterized by rampant corruption, sectarianism, cronyism and excessive mismanagement of public resources. Borders are crossed at will and refugees are grabbing citizens’ land particularly from vulnerable, powerless and voiceless citizens in areas like Toro where Batutsi from Eastern DRC enter Uganda. Overall, economically, socially, environmentally, politically and diplomatically, Uganda’s star has fallen.

Summing up and recommendation

The UPC two civilian regimes in the 1960s and early 1980s have performed much better and delivered superior outcomes than the military regimes from 1971 to 1979 and from 1986 to the present and still counting. The civilian regime especially in the 1960s experienced rapid economic growth and social advancement as it should be. Under the military regimes Uganda has experienced under-development with poverty, hunger, disease and unemployment rising while economic growth has declined precipitously from 10 percent in the mid 1990s to three percent currently.

Based on this record of civilian and military performance since independence, it is very likely that another military government or military leader as president will do the same. There is no room for another benefit of the doubt. Military leaders (no disrespect please) whether they are nice people or not or whether they come from good families or not are trained to handle military matters and make military decisions that are handed down to the rank and file without consulting them but civilian populations can’t be treated like that. They consult, discuss and strike compromises with their governments. There is a story, true or not, that when Bushenyi leaders could not agree on splitting the district into two, Museveni broke the impasse by dividing it into four and the matter was brought to an abrupt end. Uganda can’t afford to be governed like this again. With another military president the trajectory will remain as it is today or worse.

Ultimately the choice between civilian and military leadership resides with the people of Uganda. My job as civic educator has been to provide information so that an informed decision is taken.

ERIC KASHAMBUZI

Comments (1)

The danger of picking a compromise candidate as leader

Nov 12, 12 6:24 PM

Ugandans are in the process of identifying a new breed of leaders that hopefully will arrest Uganda’s shameful decline which is no longer a debatable issue. NRM has been a big disappointment to Ugandans and development partners. And staying in power too long has made matters worse. Guns have failed to produce right leaders for Uganda so has money.

Leadership has to be earned through hard work on the right things, not through rhetoric or picking non-controversial subjects so as not to lose popularity. Hard work on military training and experience hasn’t produced good leaders for Uganda. We should drop the idea of picking another military leader. Soldiers are not trained to handle civilian populations especially in circumstances where law and order, separation of powers and checks and balances don’t exist. They run the country like the military where instructions – right or wrong – are followed without question. That is why Museveni’s unquestioned vision for Uganda which was basically hot air has driven the country backwards. This is a fact as evidenced by re-emergence of diseases that had disappeared. Look at maternal mortality which is rising and some hospital wards that have turned into hospices! When we comment correctly like this on Museveni failed policies we are branded controversial or sectarian, unfit for leadership.

Governing people involves listening and designing programs that suit their needs. Governing a country based on God’s instructions transmitted through dreams is not only risky but very dangerous.

I have participated in discussions about Uganda’s future leaders. What you hear most often is that Uganda needs a neutral or compromise leader. And when you ask who a neutral person or compromise leader is you get various versions which can be compressed into a person who essentially is “good” or a paper tiger sort of person who does not bite anybody in terms of criticizing their ideas or policies.

They want a person who is not controversial; one that is acceptable to citizens. Or one that essentially doesn’t have ideas because the moment you express your ideas you are going to face some people who have different ideas especially in political economy areas where two plus two may not add up to four.

But when you say that you are not attacking a person per se but policies initiated by that person in power, rarely do you get a clear answer. People fail to see the difference between say Museveni as a person and Museveni as president. When you genuinely criticize Museveni as president for his failed policies it is different from when you criticize him for his private actions. His private life in my view is his business provided it doesn’t adversely affect his public performance.

Uganda has had compromise presidents whose performance was below average or didn’t last long enough to prove themselves. There are also other examples of compromise leaders that didn’t perform well in part perhaps because they were compromise choices.

In 1612 Russia was looking for a leader. Some Russians supported the candidacy of the Swedish prince Charles Philip. Others put up another candidate. To avoid a deadlock, a compromise candidate was found by the name of the 16-year old Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov. Mikhail was acceptable to the ruling class and Cossacks. He became king or Czar in 1613.

Under his weak leadership, the country couldn’t restore order, get rid of invaders or control the border. Out of frustration, the Cossacks mounted a failed coup. The suffering of people continued. He even made the mistake of issuing a decree ordering peasants who had fought for Russia against Swedish and polish invaders return to their owners and continue as serfs. As expected except for Mikhail, the decree provoked peasant uprising. Throughout his reign Mikhail faced peasant and urban resistance and the country never regained tranquility. His economic and foreign policies left much room for improvement. The compromise nature of his selection as Russian leader probably denied him real power to govern effectively.

At home in Uganda we have had two compromise leaders. The late Prof. Lule who was picked at Moshi conference as a compromise candidate to lead Uganda after the fall of Amin until elections were held could not run the country because he had no real power. Obote who had considerable backing was blocked by those who didn’t want him back in power and rushed to Lule who would give them space to organize themselves. Once in Kampala the opposing groups could not allow Lule to assert himself and take independent decisions like appointments of public servants because he wasn’t appointed to do that. He was supposed to get clearance by the bosses that put him in power. And when he resisted parliament showed him the exit door after 68 days in office.

Rugumayo and Muwanga presented themselves as candidates to succeed Lule. None of them was acceptable. Parliament then decided to elect another compromise candidate, Binaisa (RIP) who two months earlier was even locked out of Moshi conference. He too had no real power. He was picked so he could be used by those who were aiming at the presidency. When like Lule, Binaisa tried to assert himself as president, he was also shown the exit within one year of his presidency. This time was wasted because there was no real leader and murders and other serious crimes mounted and the economy plummeted.

The three examples show clearly the dangers of having compromise leaders. They are paper tigers and can’t do much without support of groups opposed to one another that put them in power. The intention of picking a compromise leader is to leave the door open for people who want the job themselves but are not ready to try their luck.

Uganda needs a real leader whose stand on issues is known though some may disagree but such a person is better than someone who is silent or tells different audiences different stories they like to hear. Once in power it becomes difficult to govern because the weakness is exposed. And to save their jobs such leaders often become ruthless and abuse human rights indiscriminately. Leadership at any Uganda level administration should be based on demonstrated merit, experience, character, commitment and patriotism. And Uganda has people with these qualities to pull the country out of the deep hole where Museveni has pushed it.

Eric Kashambuzi

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M7 Doesnt Have Two jets as The Former Presidential Jet was Sold Off, Now In Brazil

Oct 13, 12 1:40 PM

Many continue to talk here (well, in the same way we talk about everything that storms the forum) that the president of Uganda has two jets, the older Gulfstream GIV, Reg 5x UEF and the new one, the GV Reg 5X-UGF.

I recall one time one member told us that the UEF is parked at Kisozi ranch….and another stepped in to reaffirm the claim.

This is how the old plane has moved ever since it was replaced:

It went to Gulfstream, and it was de-registered as 5X UEF (the Ug registration). Later it changed hands becoming N92SA, belonging to the Bank of Utah, Salt Lake City.

Then it changed hands again and was de-registered from the latter, on 26 July 2010 and its new owner, the current one, became Cowan/Saulo Wanderley a construction executive of a Brazilian company, Construtora Cowan SA. The new Registration under which it is flying is PP-CSW. The last three initials reflect the names of the owner.

This is how it looks like, at least as of March last year:

Here it was at Princess Juliana International Airport, Philipsburg, Sint Maarten Netherlands Antilles.

Here it was at Belo Horizonte Tancredo Neves in Brazil on 24 May last year…..

Some of its last flights as 5X-UEF include the 2008 UN Gen Assembly….below was one of those flights on 21 Sep 2008…a week later on 28 Sep it landed at Heathrow on the way back to Uganda.

Gulfstream G-IV(SP) 5X-UEF 1413 New York John F. Kennedy Int’l Airport – KJFK

Below, is the brandy new jet as it underwent tests at the Gulfstream base at Longbeach, California on 14 January 2009 undergoing pre-delivery flights. That registration is for Gulfstream…GA is Georgia. It was registered as 5X-UGF on 29 January 2009.

Before some start speculating that the GIV was re-registered from 5X-UEF to 5X-UGF and the money claimed to have bought the new plane pocketed, note the visual differences, particularly the number of widows. The GIV has 6 and the GV has 7….

When you step inside, you find that the old one carries two more passengers than the newer one…

So, when one listens to our good people here at UAH telling us that YK Museveni is hoarding two jets, it only becomes yet another cause for one’s heart to bleed at the idleness of mind and sheer purposeless of what passes as Uganda’s civil society!

Anyway, the process of Gulfstream delivering the new plane involved handing the old plane by Uganda to Gulfstream. It is not that the old plane was taken to Kiseka Market and sold, while the new plane was procured from Kalerwe market.

As far as I know, the procurement was a part-exchange, and even with that, Uganda is still leasing…..
What I know is that, the newer one has a longer range, about 10,000Km, compared to about 7,000 of the old one….and anyway, the older such equipment becomes, the more expensive they become to keep retrofitting. The same with cars. I see people who have the policy of using a car only for 2 or 3 yrs, and getting rid of it in PXchange for the new one, from the dealer. It will still be road worth, but more costly to insure, fuel etc….

When you are a Third Worlder, with limited maintenance capability back home, you are better off with a machine that will not need regular excessive attention. In fact older equipment of that nature ends up getting closer to home….

Note that the current US Air force for presidents, AF1 (actually 1s, because they are two identical ones) went into service 12 yrs ago…put six yrs of use for each, and they fly the president of the country that manufactures them…they are right at home…..

Uganda’s GIV worked for 9 years, all on its shoulders. The current one was delivered sometime in 2009. I know the TZs have a similar one of 2004….

And I think someone somewhere needs to determine the length of time for which they should be held ensuring that they can be pxed when they still have some value…..

The GIV cost $31.5 but only fetched $10…..

The GV must be about $45M each…Google have two which cost that much….Uganda’s being militarily retrofitted may be higher than that may be $48m….

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

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M7 will stand in 2016 elections- Katerega

May 27, 12 11:51 AM

Sovereignty is vested in the people. So long as they vote for Museveni, he will remain until he clocks 75. So he will not be eligible in 2021. As for Rebeca Kadaga, Janet Museveni, Gilbert Bkenya ,Amama Mbabazi and others, their popularity depends on Museveni’s popularity. If he sacks or cause the fall of any of them, that may mark end of their political career.

Secondly, it is not wise, to create an empire within an empire inside NRM camp. Some people want to become “Jesus”, threw way truth and life, where nobody will reach God without passing through them. But for us Muslims, we communicate directly with God without an intermediary. l think NRM should stick to the Islamic line, in order to avoid an empire within an empire. It reminds us prior to 1966 crisis of a state within a state.

Imperial presidency stopped in Uganda on Sunday October 8th 1995 when a new constitution was promulgated. In fact, the former Prime Minister Apolo Nsibambi warned of a catastrophe of a parliamentary dictatorship in which we are. So don’t dream so much for becoming President overnight. But if the opposition is well organized it can share parliament with the ruling party next time. It can do the same with Local Government Councils, then the rest will be history.

If the opposition is less that one third now, but collaborates with the independents and the disgruntled movementists, and cause government to sneeze, how would it if it had at least a third of the parliament and local government councils? If opposition had a half of parliament and local government councils, even Besigye would have benefited from his dream of power sharing with Museveni, he should not die before realizing.

In a republican setting, there is no succession politics. They talk about the late Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere;s anointing his own successor in Tanzania in 1985. That was during a one party dictatorship which was almost a monarchy. But under a multi party democracy one cannot anoint his or her successor to the people. Uganda is a republic and it will remain a republic and the good thing with 1995 constitution, the President is directly elected not through an Electoral College, like that of United States.

How many people the President anointed during the Movement system and were rejected? They were many in Kampala and Mbarara, but the people voted otherwise. There popular participation in NRM and people should stand for offices and if they win, then they will be supported by the party. It will be wrong for the President to repeat past mistakes of showing interest in some candidates at the expense of others when they are all Movementists. We should however restore presidential term limits because Museveni was excpetional in respect of his credentials as a founding father of post independence Uganda.

From what l read in Sunday Monotor, two weeks ago (l did not watch the NTV interview), there is no doubt that President Museveni will seek another term in 2016. In the actual fact he was assuring us that after 2021, he will not seek another term since he will be above 75 and the constitution does not allow. He also said that probably there is something scientific that after 75 years of age , one should retire. Whether Speaker Rebecca Alitwala Kadaga stands as an independent, inside NRM camp and probably outside it, President Museveni is “Nyini kakomo.” Once he takes it, you just weather away politically. We saw the late Dr. Samson Kisekka. When he doubled as Vice President and Defence Minister, he gave Mmengo officials permission to hold rallies and advocate for federalism. But his IGP Cossy Odomel had declined to do so. The former NRM Second Vice Chairperson and External Coordinator, was sacked on an official trip in South Africa and that marked his political end.

Honorary Brig. Eriya Kategaya, was a defacto No. 2 in NRM , and doubled as First Deputy Premier and National Political Commissar. When he crossed to Reform Agenda, and returned, he will never be the same. You now see a man in parliament who is just after his salary, vehicle and fuel. But his contribution to the liberation struggle may be almost compared to that of Mzee Museveni since the Mwesigwas and Rwaheru died in battle.

Former Vice President Specioza Naigaga Wandira Kazibwe. She was the most powerful woman in Uganda as VP and Gender Minister and later Agriculture Minister. Kategaya and company wanted her to double as Vice Chairperson of NRM so that Al Haji Moses Kigongo is kicked out. She is no more politically.

Remember Mzee Kintu Musoke. He was a political heavyweight in Buganda and Uganda before NRM came in. Remember Paulo Muwanga’s SAPOBA Group. He lost the post of Prime Minister. Where is he? Senior Presidential Advisor, just like Mzee Kisekka. Kintu Musoke is lucky that as a founder President of UJA, he still has some role to do with media.

Then my professor, Gilbert Baalibaseka Bukenya. He is now an ordinary MP since he miscalculated by not holding his position as Buganda NRM Chairperson which was taken by Haji Abdu Nadduli. So whether it is Vice President, my fellow Munnabuddu Edward Kiwanuka Ssekandi, or Speaker Rebecca ALitwala Kadaga, or even Prime Minister John Patrick Amama Mbabazi, or any other person, the moment Museveni sacks any of them or causes his or her removal, that will mark his or her political end.

But there are those he demoted and sacked and became a problem. The most outstanding are Col Dr. Kizza Besigye, Eng. Winnie Byanyima and Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu. But he has been competing with them and has been defeating them.

So any person who wants to succeed Museveni whether now, 2016 or 2021, must remain loyal to the man. Museveni is not an angel. l am personally perturbed by his narrow catchment area in terms of political and other appointments. This is due to his inner circle which may be narrow minded. But even then, he remains the most popular and the most powerful person in Uganda inside and outside NRM camp and therefore “Nyini kakomo.”

l know our leaders don’t want advice that is contrary to what they want to hear, they don’t want criticism be positive and constructive or negative, but l have told them my mind, moreover l shall remain nothing but a journalist.

My friend Capt. Mike Mukula( we worked with him and with Nusura Tiperu during 2001) elections mobilizing in and around Kampala including Wakiso, and we did the same during kisanja in 2004-2005) under UJA) is a popular man inside and outside NRM. I remember his fans demonstrated in his defense over arrest for a corruption scandal. This was because he used to share with them. But Mukula is not near in line of succession. The research results
showed as Museveni, Kadaga, Janet Bukenya, Mbabazi etc… inside NRM and Mukula is aware of that. President Museveni is not only “nyini kakomo” but also the owner of “tadooba” (l know Prof. Bukenya, leads an anti-tadooba campaign). He is the one who lights and unlights it. So all those presidential ambitious men and women are like “tadooba” and the President is its owner.

Al Haji Abdu Nadduli is the Chairperson NRM Buganda Regional Chairperson, in his capacity as Vice Chaiperson NRM in charge of Central Region. Secretary is Kalule Seongo, for CM, RDC and MP. Treasurer is Rosemary Namayanja, now Minister of State in charge of Luwero Triangle. Mobiliser is Mamerito Mugerwa, Chairperson of Kira Twon Council. Research is Mutebi Kityo, former MP Mawokota South Youth is Sebina Ssekitooleko, NRM Publicity Secretary, Luwero District. There is also Haji Sulaiman Walusimbi, Poverty Alleviation Programme’s PRO, State House.

We have sub regional chaipersons; East Buganda is Ediriisa Mayanja Njuki, former Idi Amin’s Press Secretary . West Buganda is Ndawula Kaweesi, former MP South Buganda is Vincent Kityamuweesi Musubire, Deputy PPS to Vice President. South West Buganda is Ahmed Kateregga Musaazi (in acting capacity). North Buganda is Sempala Kigozi and
Central Buganda is Haji Muhammad Kabanda, former Defrnce Secretary greater RC V Mpigi. There are members of those sub regional teams including all NRM District chairpersons in Buganda apart from Kampala which is a special area.

During Obote ll days, there were a lot of patriotic songs on Radio Uganda ( l commend Obote ll regime for that even Amn’s which excelled in propaganda, did not fare well in that area). One of them ( and l know all of them) went as:’’ l love Uganda; My county Uganda; The Pearl of Africa; Shall rise and shine again. That was the first stanza. The second stanza was calling upon people to come and build Uganda. You people, am calling you upon to come and build Uganda.’’

AHMED KATEREGA
NEWVISION AND UAH FORUMIST IN KAMPALA

Comments (5)

UGANDA’S OPPOSITION FDC YOUTH PUT MUSEVENI GOVERNMENT ON NOTICE

Apr 14, 12 4:51 PM

Saturday April 14, 2012

During the FDC Youth League PRESS CONFERENCE of Thursday 12th, April 2012, we appealed to the State and in particular the Uganda Police Force and other Security Agencies to stop persecuting the youth in Uganda and henceforth release all the youth who are political prisoners within forty eight hours (48hrs) unconditionally.

The FDC Youth League noted with great concern that many youth have in the recent past and continue to be arrested, harassed, maimed and or killed by the NRM regime. Trumped up charges such as; inciting violence, murder, treason, illegal assembly have been preferred against the youth.

In September 2009 more than forty youth were killed and these among others included; Kauma Joseph, Nakazi Deborah, Nahumma Brenda, Katuma Richard, Kalamba Ronald, Kamoga Sula, Aliwo Abed, Nabakoza Christine, Bisso Steven, Ssango Kyobe, Ikongo Samuel, Mayanja Bruno, Bukenya Faisal, Mukwanga Kaziru, Benjamin Parnot Ateere, Batiibwe Badru, Muganga Huzair,Busulwa Hassan, Bwesigwa, Grace Sserunjogi, Joseph,Muganga Hakim, Kafuma Frank, Nampijja Jackie, Magembe Ali, Lukwago Sulaiti, Karungi Annet, Erimweya Mawanda, Nsereko Robert, Batibwe Abdullah, Nampijja Beatrice, Nahumma Brenda, Ngaba Moses. All these were aged between 2 – 35 years apart from Batiibwe Badru who was aged 39yrs. Many more youth have been killed at various incidences including one at Kasubi tombs, in Masaka, Kampala, Gulu, Jinja, Mbale and many other places.

Twenty seven youth (27) were arbitrarily arrested in 2009 and have spent three years in Luzira Prison for the last three years. Only four were released this week with no charges preferred against them.

On 21st March, 2012 nine youth were arrested and charged with the ‘murder’ of AIP Ariong John Michael. These are: Kayondo Mutwalib, Kavuma Robert, Kaija Harold, Nakitende Sharifah, Kirya Ismail, Nsubuga Malik, Ssebugwawo Muhammad and Hajji KakandeTwalib (Adult, not youth).Kakande was severely beaten and his health condition is dire.

This is political persecution because there is no way nine people can use one stone to kill one person. Besides the majority of them were actually arrested before the Ariong incident had occurred. Haji Kakande, in particular was doing his job, driving – as the official driver to Hon. Nabila Naggayi Ssempala, Kampala Woman MP. These youth are now languishing in prison. The Uganda Police Force’s Andrew Kaweesi has already announced that they had arrested and positively identified the alleged killer, who had confessed to the crime, giving his full names that were published in the media. If the confessed killer had already been arrested, what are the arrested persons still in jail? Why are they charged with murder?

On 12th April 2012, Nyanjura Doreen, Bagaya Ibrahim Kisubi, Kyeyune Moses and Mugabi Vicent, all Makerere University students were arrested when they attempted to launch their book; “IS THIS A FUNDAMENTAL CHANGE” they were charged with illegal assembly. Nyanjura was remanded to Luzira up to 24th, April 2012. Hon. Kasibante Moses was also arrested on the same day and he is in Luzira on fake charges of incitement of violence. This tantamounts to political persecution, and injustice which can not be tolerated in this era.

Owing to the fact that our colleagues are being politically persecuted and the State has failed to respond to our appeal, we shall go ahead with our planned peaceful demonstration on 16th April 2012 by Marching to CPS, The Police Headquarters, CID headquarters and other selected Police stations across the country to express our dissatisfaction and demand for their freedom.

This is our right. And no one can deny it to us. NO amount of threats or blackmail will deter us from pursuing total freedom for all Ugandans, regardless of their political, religious or ethnic identity. Uganda belongs to all of us. Let no one make us squatters in our own land, because they hold state power, which they have usurped from the people.

We call upon the members of the Press, who are fellow victims of this perpetual blackmail, intimidation and harassment by the state, to remain firm to their commitment to inform Ugandans of all atrocities.

We call upon the religious leaders to intervene in this matter as a matter of urgency. We also appeal to civil society organisations to rally behind the call for a totally free Uganda, devoid of institutionalized corruption and harassment of those who stand for the truth and demand for justice and the unconditional release of political prisoners.

We hope that the international Community takes note of this dangerous trend of events in Uganda which, if not checked now, will result into instability in Uganda and the whole region. Diplomacy works better in stable societies. Foreign investment becomes profitable only in an environment of political stability.

Monday 16th April 2012 is the day to demand full compliance from the State to release all political prisoners listed above and all the others languishing in prison unconditionally.

Semalulu Kaaya Rajab

VICE CHAIRMAN FDC YOUTH LEAGUE – BUGANDA REGION

0704-16 77 11 / 0757-88 13 06

cc: Minister of Internal Affairs

cc: Inspector General of Police

cc: Director of public Prosecutions

cc: Chief Justice

cc: Speaker of Parliament

cc: Head of the Delegation, European Union

cc: British High Commissioner

cc: Ambassador of the United States of America

cc: Leader of Opposition

cc: All members of Parliament

cc: Arch Bishop Luke Orombi

cc: Arch Bishop Dr Cyprian Kizito Lwanga

cc: Supreme Mufti Sheikh Zubair Kayongo

cc: Arch Bishop Metropolitan Yonah Lwanga

cc: Dr Sserwadda Joseph

cc: Uganda Human Rights Commission

cc: Director of Public Prosecution

Comments (4)

FORGET SMALL BATTLES, LET’S FIGHT THE BIG WAR!

Apr 10, 12 5:05 PM

It sounds preposterous but the world must move on from the small battles about human rights’ abuse, police brutality, electoral malpractices and corruption, because those are automatic consequences of autocratic rule. Show me dictatorship, from time immemorial, and I will show you those vices. Uganda has suffered oppression, brutality and lack of accountability for over 130 years, yet, save for temporary relief that comes with the occasional change of regime, our suffering has continued. Surely, do we so lack imagination that we cannot work out that the solution to Uganda’s problem must be more complex than mere regime change? Museveni will go at some point, as did colonialism, Mutesa, Obote 1, Amin, Lule, Muwanga, Obote 2 and Lutwa, but if conditions that turned those once idealistic revolutionaries into dictators continue to exist, his successor, be it Beti Kamya, will become a dictator and will visit on us the vices for which all past leaders are hated, because they (the vices) are automatic products of dictatorship! We must move onto the big war and fight conditions that create dictators, instead of fighting offshoots of dictatorship.

“All power belongs to the People…..who shall express their will and consent on.…who shall govern them through elections….” says Article 1 of the Constitution of Uganda. “There shall be a President of Uganda…” says Article 98. “All executive authority of Uganda is vested in the President…” says Article 99. Hence, Article 1 gives power to the people, but Article 99 takes it away from them and gives it to the President.

In exercise of the executive authority given to him / her by the constitution, the President decides how the national resources are used, appoints the Vice President, Prime Minister, Ministers, Chief Justice, Judges, Ambassadors, Heads of Govt Depts and their deputies, Permanent Secretaries, Resident District Commissioners, District and Regional (in the case of the “Regional Tier”) accounting officers. The President appoints Commanders of the armed forces and promotions are his prerogative. Uganda’s constitution makes the President the sole employer, provider and benefactor. Give Angel Gabriel this kind of power and Heaven will have a problem, because too much power is the main ingredient that makes dictators. Police brutality, human rights’ abuse, electoral malpractices and corruption are logical consequences NOT the cause of dictatorship.

Uganda’s sustainable peace lies in re-designing the governance system that gives State House too much power, having been so deliberately designed by its pioneer occupants, to exploit a colony without being accountable. It was of necessity undemocratic, dictatorial, oppressive and exploitative. This is the system we inherited at independence but have not dismantled, so it remains oppressive and exploitative, as it was designed. Mind you, this is not the system the British use back home, where the objective is to serve, not exploit!

UFA is advocating that Ugandans, without firing a bullet or throwing a stone, evoke Article 255, through which they can recall their power for one day, and through a referendum, dismantle the autocratic system, devolve power to the regions and re-instate presidential terms limit, because, surely we have learnt that mere change of regime will be another change of guards, as has happened eight times, since independence.

Heads of functioning democracies such as the USA, UK, Germany, Canada, Australia, and the Nordic States do not have such power as the President of Uganda. Kenya woke up to this fact and have redesigned their constitution, significantly reducing the powers of the president. In Malawi, if the late President Mutharika had powers to fire the Vice President, Joyce Banda, having disagreed with him, would not be President today. In South Africa, the ANC was able to force President Thabo Mbeki to step down! Uganda must to wake up and move with the new democratic order and Article 255 provides the cheapest route!

Beti Olive Kamya-Turwomwe

President

Uganda Federal Alliance

Comments (4)

The Basiita 50 year master plan is a pile of nonsense as the meeting never took place

Apr 5, 12 3:27 PM

I did not want to make any comments on this perpetual ‘Basiita convention’ , mainly because it is nonsense, the kind of nonsense that is explains why the Uganda opposition is stunted, and is not worth the credit it piles on itself. That Basiita stuff is the kind of nonsense that you people keep bringing up here when you run out of what to say, instead of thinking constructively about the future of the country. Anyone who sees this rubbish has to weep for the country. You the so-called opposition are nothing but an overgrown pimple on the country’s face.

Definitely, those “minutes” were manufactured sometime after 1996. Whoever cooked them up did not even bother to cross check such details like Kazini’s rank in 1992. Kazini made the rank of Colonel in 1996. And of course he was not a Muhima, together with Mr Amama Mbabazi..who is being suggested by some of our UAH sages for inclusion as no. 23. Amos Nzei (Nzeyimana) is also supposed to be a Muhima!

For someone who would be willing to address some officers by their ranks, I wonder why No. 14, Jim Muhwezi, could not be addressed as a Brigadier, and not as a Mr; the same case with No. 59, Maj. Jero Bwende. No. 70 was a Major at the time of the alleged meeting, and he has never hailed from Nyabushozi.

Entry no. 58, Major Kashaka is also fake. There were three Kashakas in NRA in 1992 all of them brothers, and not Basiita. One was a Lieutenant Colonel (now a Brigadier), and the second one was a Lieutenant now a Major or thereabouts. The third one was a Sergeant, now deceased.

Entry no. 10, was intended by the author of the document to be Karazarwe…related to entry no. 11…but typical thoughtlessness took the upper hand. The Karugire name starts featuring in YKM family after 2000 when he was wedded to Natasha Kaine….so that error is itself indicative of the date of manufacture of those minutes: definitely after 26 Aug 2000 when Karugire officially became a member of the first family….most likely the minutes were cooked up in the build up to the 2001 elections….probably by the so-called Reform Agenda.

Like I said in the past, from my recollection entry no. 1 and chairman of the meeting could not possibly have attended that meeting! My Corporal’s memory often fails me but I seem to remember that entry no.1 chaired a marathon series of Army council/High Command meetings from Monday 9th March 1992 to Saturday 14 th March 1992.

He closed the High Command mid morning on Saturday 14 th March and in the afternoon he flew to North Korea for a one-week state visit; i.e., he could not possibly have been at Rwakitura on the alleged day of the meeting.

I know some of you think he is a magician, like some people recently claimed that he ‘eats money’….and UNLA’s conviction that he could turn into a cat….but even then, he could not have been in Pyongyang and Rwakitura at the same time.

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto
———————————————————————————————–
Meeting at Rwakitura with H.E. the President of Uganda and selected representatives
from various districts on 15-3-1992

Present:

1. Mr. Y.K. Museveni – Nyabushozi
2. Mrs. J. Museveni – Nyabushozi
3. Mr. Elly Rwakakoko – Ruhama Ntungamo
4. Mr. Eric Kabango – Rukungiri
5. Mr. Akandanwaho Salim Saleh – Nyabushozi
6. Mr. Sam Kutesa – Nyabushozi
7. Mr. Abel Katembwe – Rukungiri
8. Canon Rwabugaire Rubanja – Rukungiri
9. Mrs. Rwabugaire – Buyanja Rukungiri
10. John Wyclifee Karugire – Ntungamo
11. Mrs. Karazawe – Ntungamo
12. Mrs. Rwakakoko – Ruhama Ntungamo
13. Bob Kabonero – Ntungamo
14. Mr. Jim Muhwezi –
Rukungiri
15. Mrs. Susan Muhwezi – Rukungiri Ntungamo
16. Mr. Jotham Tumwesigye –
Nyabushozi Mbarara
17. Mr. John Nasasira – Kazo
18. Mzee Nyindimbi – Kebisoni
19. Mrs. Faith Bitamurire – Kebisoni
20. Mugisha Muwhezi – Nyindombi Kebisoni
21. Mr. James Mwesigye – Sembabule
22. Mrs. Mwesigye – Sembabule
23.
24. Mr. Kamugisha – Kebisoni
25. Mrs. Kemigisha – Kebisoni
26. Mr. John Kazoora – Ntungamo
27. Mr. Christopher Kiyombo – Ntungamo
28. Major Henry Tumukunde – Buyanja Kitojo
29. Mrs. Tumukunde – Buyanja Kitojo
30. Mzee Rwakanengere – Kashari Rubaya
31. Jolly Rwakanengere – Kampala Rubaya
32. Mrs. Salim Saleh – Nyabushozi
33. Rev. Kajangye – Kitojo
Buyanja
34. Aranda Nyakeirima – Kitojo Buyanja
35. Mzee Mpira Nuyanja – Nyakibungo
36. Charles Muhoozi Kifaburiza – Kapunga
37. Justus Katono Karishunga – Buyanja
38. Elly Karuhanga –
Nyabushozi Mbarara
39. Mzee Kafumusi – Ibanda
40. Sikora B.K. – Buwheju Bunyaruguru
41. P. Kaitirima – Sembabule
42. Matthew Rukikaire – Sembabule
43. Mrs. Rukikaire – Sembabule
44. Sam Baingana – Kabura Rukungiri
45. Mrs. Baingana – Rukungiri
46. Mzee Amos Nzei – Kabale
47. Mrs. Nzei – Kabale
48. Mzee Rutamwebwa – Nyabushozi
49. Mrs. Mary Rutamwebwa – Nyabushozi
50. Rev. Canon Sam Rubunda – Nyabushozi
51. Mrs. Jennifer Kutesa – Sembabule Ntungamo
52. Eriya Kategaya – Rwamparara
53. Jovia Kankunda – Mbarara
54. Mzee Rwakiturate – Nyabushozi
55. Rwabantu Rushenyi – Ntungamo
56.
Col. Chefali – Kazo
57. Col. Kazini J. – Nyabushozi
58. Major Kashaka – Nyabushozi
59. Jero Bwende – Nyabushozi
60. Augusitine Ruzindana – Rubayo Ntungamo
61. Ephraim
Rusimirwa – Nyakabuyo
62. Mzee Kaino – Nyakininga
63. Rev. Rujoki – Nshwerunkye
64. Mrs. J. Rujoki – Nshwerunkye
65. Prince John Barigye – Kashari
66. Kanyesingye Barigye Junior – Kashari
67. Kirimani – Nyabushozi
68. Fred Kanyabubale – Kitojo Buyanja
69. Kakurugu – Kitojo
70. Captain Biraro – Nyabushozi
71. Mrs. Nasasira – Kazo
72. Herbert Rwabende – Kashari
73. Odrek Rwabogo – Nyabushozi
74. Hope Kivenjere – President’s Office
75. Bishop Justus Ruhindi – Rukungiri
76. Justine Sabiiti – Mbarara
77. Maama Rubindi – North Kigezi Diocese

Agenda:

1. Prayers
2. Opening
Remarks by H.E. (Chairman)
3. Strategy for the next 50 years
4. Plan of Action

Minute 1.00:

The meeting started with a prayer led by the Rt. Rev. Bishop Ruhindi at exactly 11:00 pm,who prayed for good deliberations.

Minute 2.00:

The Chairman H.E., welcome the Basiita Clan and other clans present in his home. He briefed members present the purpose of the meeting and thanked organisers for a good job done.

He told members that the only opportunity they have is this one when he is still President. He directed Hope Kivenjere to act as a link between his office and these people at the grassroots. He told them that they were few in number and that he fought to liberate them so that they could be heard in society and Uganda at large.

He reminded them of the need to have a master plan for at least 50 years if their Hima clan is to remain vibrant and rich.

H.E. told his listeners that if they cannot use the opportunity maximally, their daughters and sons would blame them in the future.

At this function he revealed to them a scheme and plan of action in order for them to achieve desired goals as:

1. To have the highest education qualifications during this term of office for their children;
2. To make sure they are the richest people in Uganda in the next 50 years master plan;
3. To make sure they control the army and have the highest ranks in the army;
4. To ensure that they take charge of all the resources in the country;
5. To ensure that everybody else is poor so that they could be controlled and respect the group;
6. To ensure that none of those not concerned not to know about the action plan.

Every one of them was directed to recruit the Bahima boys to join the army so that they could dominate the ISO, PPU, ESO, and military police. This would assist in the resisting of other tribes that would attempt to take power by the use of force.

Minute 3.00:

The Chairman informed the members to unite so that they could remain the only kings in the region. He said that the master plan couldn’t be achieved until 80% of their youths are properly trained and equipped with the best necessities to manage these issues.

At this juncture the chairman directed Mr. Elly Karuhanga to take charge of educating the sons and daughters and send them abroad in countries such as India, England, America and South Africa. Karuhanga accepted the responsibility without hesitation.

The Chairman also directed Mr. Kirimani to take charge of the educating the daughters and sons internally, especially to ensure that he put up a special school in Nyabushozi to cater for the interests of the group.

On this note Mr. Kutesa suggested to upgrade Kanyareru Resettlement School from Nursery up to secondary, which passed with no amendments.

Minute 4.00:

Mr. Elly Rwakakoko interjected the chairman’s speech by giving direction to members on the real discussion by introducing a new chapter of how the H.E. could be succeeded after his term of office.

On this point Mrs. Jovia Salim Saleh begged members to ensure that after H.E., the next president must come from the Basiita clan. She said that H.E. had done a lot for the Basiita clan and taken a lot of risks for the last 20 years and therefore it was important that the Basiita take charge of the resources of the country if other Bahima are to benefit.

On this point of order the chairman wanted to know whether Mrs. Jovia Salim Saleh was in order to single out the Basiita clan and yet the meeting was for the whole Bahima of Ankole and parts of the country. The members resolved that she was not in order.

Minute 5.00:

Mzee Ephraim Rusimira suggested that the next president should be the brother of the president if the master plan is to succeed. He warned that if the Beiru and other non-Bahima clans get to know about the action plan, it would fail to tale off.

Minute 6.00:

Mzee Rutamwebwa suggested that Salim Saleh should go back to school if the objectives of the action are to be achieved. He suggested that Salim Saleh has to get ‘O’ Certificate and ‘A’ Level Certificate. This was unanimously agreed.

He also suggested that some close clansman, possibly the son of his H.E. should be groomed to take over the reigns from Salim Saleh. This too was agreed on and the group begged H.E. to look around for a boy who would be groomed.

The group also brainstormed about how top destroy those who would gang up to take over power from the clan. Death was suggested for the potential.

The
End

Comments (10)

PRESIDENTIAL TERM LIMITS TO BE RE-INSTATED THRU REFERENDUM, UGANDAN DIASPORA TO VOTE, FEDERALISM TO BE ADOPTED

Mar 24, 12 11:13 PM

During their seating on Tuesday 20 March 2012, the Uganda Federal Alliance National Executive Committee (NEC) considered the following:

1.       After NEC’s previous Resolution to evoke Article 74 of the Constitution of Uganda to cause a change of Uganda’s political system from Unitarism to federalism through a National referendum, a delegation of UFA officials met the EC for technical guidance on the necessary modalities, which lead to the following observations:

 

  • Federalism as an optional system or form of governance is not provided for anywhere in the Constitution of Uganda, although it has been the most contentious issue in Uganda’s politics since the 1966 crisis that kicked off Uganda’s instability and turmoil.

 

  • The Constitutional process that would get federalism recognized as an option in Uganda’s governance systems is long, winding and unfriendly, passing via Article 69 of the Constitution, The Other Political System’s Act 2000, Parliament (where UFA does not have representation) and through the Referendum Act.

 

  • Presidential Term Limits is an equally contentious issue.  We must take advantage of the impending referendum on federalism to vote on re-instatement presidential term limits, on the same day, as provided for under the Referendum and Other Provisions Act.  However,  this dual referendum cannot work under Article 74 because it provides for only “Change of Political Systems” yet, it can work under Article 255 of the Constitution because this provides for “General Referenda” and can cover multiple issues.

 

  • Moreover, Article 74 has more work to do, requiring 10% registered voters from 2/3 of all constituencies (i.e. 183 constituencies) to petition the EC to hold a referendum. On the other hand, Article 255 requires much less work, requiring 10% of registered voters from 1/3 of districts (i.e. 39 districts) to petition the EC to hold a referendum. In Uganda, there are more than 39 single constituency districts. Compared to Article 74, Article 255 reduces the work of collecting petitioners’ signatures by four!

Based on these and other consideration, UFA NEC resolved to use Article 255 which provides for “General Referenda on any issue” to petition the EC to organize referenda on FEDERALISM & RE-INSTATEMENT OF PRESIDENTIAL TERM LIMITS on the same day.

 

2.       Secondly, UFA demanded that the EC organizes for the Ugandan Diaspora to vote during the forthcoming referenda and thereafter during all elections, as provided for under Article 59 &61 of the Constitution. The EC responded in writing that the Diaspora issue was “a Policy matter, not established by the
Commission, and a mechanism backed by law needs to be put in place to facilitate their (Diaspora) participation, including amendments to some electoral laws..”. In short, the EC will not arrange for the Diaspora to vote because, according to the EC,  it is Govt Policy is not to allow them to vote….hence, there are no adequate laws to facilitate that!

 

In our view, the right of the Ugandan Diaspora to vote is not a “Policy matter” as the EC says, but a Constitutional matter. Article 59 provides for the right of citizens aged eighteen and above to vote and Article 62 provided for the independence of the EC during the discharge of their functions. If the EC have subjected their independence to the Executive and denied citizens living abroad their right to vote, they must face the law. UFA Resolved to arraign them before the Courts of law on account of violating the citizen’s rights to vote, neglect of duty and violating Article 62 that provides for the independence of the EC.

Keep watching this space.

Signed,

 

Beti Olive Kamya

President

Uganda Federal Alliance

Comments (3)

Dr.Byamugisha deserves his compesation but Kabatsi should never have been presidential legal advisor

Mar 16, 12 8:11 PM

The head of legal department, Joy Kabatsi was fired.

Folks:

I think Dr Joseph Byamugisha deserves to be compensated for his services to NSSF. He has been on the case for years. Without him, NSSF would have paid a lot of money to crooks claiming to represent Alcon. I actually believe the reason he was suddenly replaced as the NSSF outside counsel is because he was stubborn and refused to settle the case out of court. Some crooks somewhere did not want him there so they terminated his services.

And who replaced him? Kasirye, Byaruhanga advocates. These are known NRM lawyers. Granted, Dr Joseph Byamugisha was and probably still is YKM’s lawyer. But he is also a former chief Legal adviser of DP during the reign of Dr Ssemwogerere. Today DP’s legal adviser, Mbidde Fred, just graduated from LDC! Imagine. DP deserves better than Mbidde.

Dr Joseph Byamugisha deserves to be paid. Whether he deserves 30 billion let the Supreme Court decide. But again if Ms JenniferMusisi is making 36 or 38 m a month, and many junior lawyers barely out of LDC where many failed and failed and failed before finally passing, and are now demanding billions, surely Dr Byamugisha deserves to be paid well a lot more.

Firms like Karugire and Kiryowa advocates are now apparently the firms of choice to handle government files. And you guys wonder why the state is losing billions of money through dubious court rulings. Many of these junior lawyers who barely made it out of LDC have no ability to defend such cases. So they COLLUDE. Yes. COLLUDE to lose cases and take their cut. At the end of the day someone somewhere did not like Dr Byamuugisha defending NSSF because they are pressuring NSSF to pay off ALCORN.

Now Mr Ssekono insists that he wants Mr. Mohamed Nyaoga the lanky kisii lawyer who is the managing partner of Mohamed Muigai advocates-Dr Muigai was appointed Kenya’s AG- to defend NSSF. Surely Mr. Nyaoga is an able lawyer and one of the best litigators in Kenya. But some within NSSF do not want him on board? Why?

Yes if the Karugire, Kiryowa advocates or Muzamil Kibedi advocates are being paid billions for essay deals, Dr Byamugisha should be paid his dues. If it is shs.30 billon should the Supreme Court rule so be it. He saved NSSF billions of money. Blame KCC’s Ms. Musisi for the wage inflation in Uganda.

MIRUNDI INTERVIEW

The Chimreport interview Muhame Giles had with Tamale Mirundi portrays what I have been saying all along. State House is in total chaos. No one is in charge. Those who are there have no clue. The PPS herself has no clue. My bet is that the next person to be sacked will be the PPS MS Grace Akello. If General Saleh is pissed off on UAH, she must know that her days are numbered.

Tamale Mirundi accuses Ms. Kabatsi of portraying State House negatively. Well Tamale Mirundi makes it worse. He illustrates Garbage In- Garbage-Out (GIGO) perfectly.

Listen to him that the legal department is very important and should be manned by women and men of high intellect. But look at the previous holders of that office: all of them were there not because they were smart or competent. . No. they were there because of nepotism: Fox Odoi, One Kashilingi and Joyce Kabatsi. Strange choices but the trend is there: either ‘saved’ be mediocre. Of all Ms Kabatsi is the most intriguing. Granted her husband is a sharp legal mind-did YKM hire her to get two for one-but certainly not her.

The big question remains. Why is YKM afraid of bright, competent types? Only in Uganda do you have a character like Tamale Mirundi as the secretary to the President and someone like Ms. Joyc Kabatsi as Legal advisor.
Hopefully YKM will learn from the Basajabalaba shit. Once again listen to the nonsense from Tamale Mirundi that the legal officials were fired for giving the crook state house secrets. Which state house secrets?

YKM gave everything to the crook, so there are no secrets to leak. Muhame Giles did a good job interviewing Tamale Mirundi and exposing his lack of depth.

MISSING FILE IN STATE HOUSE

It is not funny anymore. Shit keeps hitting YKM’s state house. Someone wrote that YKM’s State House is a den of thieves who stole 300 million and more from Okello House. It is also full of mediocre and incompetent types.

Now YKM claims that the file is missing from State House. Give me a damn break. That is a deliberate act by YKM. The file is missing because YKM wants it missing. Full stop.

How gullible are some of the journalists who swallow every nonsense fed to them by state house to report without asking any serious questions. For example, when did the file go missing? When did YKM know it was missing etc? Folks, the file is missing because it mentioned minister Amelia Kyambadde, so YKM wants to protect her because like the supper crook she knows where skeletons are buried. No wonder Uganda is dysfunctional.
Actually YKM knows that the file incriminates him and his stooges at state House including Minister Amelia Kyambadde and more. So he goes to PAC to clean up his act. My worry is with PAC. Why? Because PAC will write a report and YKM will summon the NRM caucus to expunge incriminating recommendations as was the case in the Governor Mutebile saga.

YKM has now found a way with PAC, so PAC should re-rethink. Why is YKM suddenly willing to appear before PAC? He knows that it is saving him rather than pinning him.

Those copies must have been collected and taken somewhere or even destroyed. That is criminal.
PIONEER BUSES

What are the real issues involving Buses? Who is opposed to buses in Kampala? What are the illegalities we keep reading about -ok, no number plates?

I think the buses are a good thing for the city given a) the level of pollution which is a health hazard, b) cost of living C) NRM control of UTODA.

Is NRM opposed to the buses because they wound end UTODA abuses? Remember UTODA is NRM’s cash cow. But so are the people behind the buses. Is NRM split as who to support?

But again, why did all of a sudden did KCCA end UTODA’s monopoly? Was that a hint that the powers that be now wanted Pioneer buses? And what about Kayola train which suddenly started caring passengers this Monday?

Well, Ugandans/Kampalans should be given all the choices they can have: Kamunye/taxis, Pioneer buses, Kayola train and of course piga mugu.

Of course lack of number plates is a big issue. But that tells you that there are bigger forces at play. Ordinarily no car can carry passengers let alone be on the road without number plates.

One wonders about third party insurance. If the buses have no number plates, do they have insurance?

I tell you what; the owners of Pioneer will soon show up at state House. They may had showed up already to talk compensation!

Mark you they include NRM people like Mr Mathew Rukikaire father in law to Nina Mbabazi, daughter of PM Mbabazi. That is to say that only buses with such owners can apply roads without number plates. They are behaving like Kalenjins during Moi, who pissed on everyone. The conditions are in place for another billions scam to be visited on the people of Uganda.
W.B.KYIJOMANYI

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