Category Museveni

M7′s many districts could be explained with the 1,2,3,4 doctrine:One wife; two children; a three-bedroom house; a four-wheeled vehicle


Leading Uganda is not about being glib.The point is, leading Uganda is not about ear-to-ear smiling, if snarling, day in and day out, and blaring out at every passer-by as “brother”, “sister”, had lunch with so and so, and all that sort of rubbish that should left to con persons. Leading Uganda is about deep reflection, it is about wearing a scraggy frown, it is about brutal truthfulness and aversion to papering over issues. It is about being a philosopher king.

I do recall warning NRA (as UPC would call it), to free themselves from “the Okellos”. I once told them that the world was changing and there are more determined adversaries that will emerge and if you are still excited by defeating the Okellos, they may not know what will disorganise them from another angle. I was a mere Corporal, so…………………………That warning stands for nay organisation that gets overtaken by the victories or defeats of yesterday, and forgets that tomorrow will present itself with completely new challenges. Indeed, when AM Obote was gloating at the rather pacifist PK Semogerere, taunting him: “Brother Semugererere, show me your generals”, he did not know that there were more furious adversaries stalking the UPC. They were fixated on DP, it did not pay. They are now fixated on NRA, it will not pay, because they will be shocked when the carpet is swept from below their feet, and they are dispatched as an organisation, probably with the eternal enemy, the NRA. As for UPC “generals”, the rest is history.

When we were young foot soldiers, we harboured a dose of resentment for the by-product of the overhyped secondary school called Makerere University; particularly because of what, we were told, was their principle ideology: the 1,2,3,4 doctrine.

The 1,2,3,4 doctrine means, One (official) wife; two children; a three-bedroom house; a four-wheeled vehicle (preferably, four wheel drive with a four litre engine). Apparently, that is all that the Makerere (large noises?) graduate possess as life’s ultimate ideal.

Right there in the 1,2,3,4 doctrine, the national manager is faced with a tough contradiction whose two poles are:

1. A yawning gap in “service delivery” to a largely rural population.
2. The abundance of a 1,2,3,4 bureaucratic, intellectual and technical elite (with an overinflated opinion of itself).
The question then becomes: how do you resolve that contradiction?

One of the two above is the means and the other is the end. One is primary and the other is secondary. The big-shot mentality of the “Moja, Mbili, Tatu, Nne pseudoelite” is, that if you are to be assigned as a public servant outside the confines of the national capital to the outlying country (which is literally 2 miles beyond the “city” centre), you have to go there as a “District-something” at a minimum: District Medical Officer, District Veterinary Officer…the same with education, administration, agriculture, culture, youth…mention it.

Here is how our Roman Catholic Priest Kiringente parish used to resolve a similar contradiction. Roman Catholic doctrine prohibited(or prohibits still?) the consumption of meat on fridays, except fish. When the Faza (Father) Pio found himself stuck only with beef or chicken on friday, he would have to sort out two contradictions: the subjective one to do with some obscure doctrine and the objective one to do with basic survival by avoiding starvation. Solution: take the beef to the altar in the Kelezia, and in the name of the father the son and the ghost, “I baptize this beef as fish, and from thence onwards it shall be fish”…sprinkle some water here and there…Kwisha!..and on to the kitchen, and a friday dinner of “fish”. Amen.

Now, if you have an elite with such a huge ego that they will not take any title that is not prefixed by the word “District”, you are in a bit of a fix. They will not be called Sub county Medical officers, or Sub county Education Officers etc, and those aspects of public service will remain unsuperintended by those with the knowhow, if know who. What do you do? Use Faza Pio doctrine. Get the thing called the Sub County, bundle it to the Kelezia called parliament full of rubber-stamp catechists that are indebted to you, cause them to baptize the Sub county as the “District” all in the name of the goat and the rooster…or whatever is on the Court of Arms….Amen.

That is how you deal with a philosophically constipated pseudoelite that will not distinguish between form and essence: essentially they will be sub county notables but in form, they will District this and District that; while taking services to the people shall cease to be irritating claptrap. “No money for many districts”: that is more of popular rubbish that it is enlightened public opinion.

Vote Retarded Lance Corporal Otto into State House now and I would baptise the sub parish as the “District”, if only to massage the morbid egos of the muddle-headed 1,2,3,4 pseudoelite, and take those services as deep down as the mayumba kumi. The end would justify the means.

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

MUSEVENI’S RESCUE FROM KIREKA ROADBLOCK: WEEKLY TOPIC, 17TH OCTOBER 1980


rescueThe Vice Chairman of the Military Commission Mr. Yoweri Museveni, who is also interim Chairman of the Uganda Patriotic Movement, was rescued from a road-block at Kireka near Kampala on Saturday after being held there for nearly four hours. The rescue was effected by Museveni’s own security personnel who acted after receiving information that he was being held there on the orders of some ‘Mukubwa’ at Nile Mansions.

Information reaching Weekly Topic Investigation Desk indicates that as Museveni was driving towards Ki­reka at about 6.30 p.m. he was overtaken by a car driven by an army officer who is understood to have issued orders at the Kireka Road block that Museveni should be detained there until further orders were received from Nile Mansions.

On arriving at the road block Museveni introduced himself and was told by the soldiers at the road block that they had instructions from ‘Our Mukubwa’ to de­tain him there until further instructions. The Vice Chair­man of the Military Commi­ssion – the ruling body in the country – patiently remained at the road block, together with his wife and five-year-old son for four hours. Meanwhile his two escorts had been disarmed.

At one stage there was disagreement between the soldiers manning the road block; some saying that there was no legitimate reason to hold Museveni there and others maintaining that they were under strict order to do so.
Somehow, nobody knows exactly how, soldiers respo­nsible for Museveni’s personal security learnt that he was being detained at Kireka and mobilised a contingent that rushed to the scene. Accord­ing to eyewitnesses, the Vice Chairman’s security perso­nnel arrived at Kireka in an atmosphere of grave tension and only a timely interve­ntion by Museveni prevented what could have been a bloody incident. He was immediately rushed home.

Whatever explanation for the incident one might care to offer, the political significance of the Kireka affair has not escaped the critical analysis of political observers. This is particularly so be­cause it came in the immediate aftermath of a week of concerted personal attacks and tau­nts against Museveni and the UPM by the UPC leadership.

It is, for example, a matter for easy recollection that a few days before, UPC’s Obote had challenged Museveni’s position as Vice Chairman of the Military Commission in a speech that was broadcast live by the National Radio. And the UPC organ, The People, published an article under a crude headline screaming:’Museveni is bogus’.

Political observers believe that the UPC are spoiling for an immediate showdown with the UPM, and that the week of taunts and snubs directed against the UPM boss was intended to provoke Museveni and the UPM leadership into ‘making a first move’, as one observer put it. According to this theory, the UPC leadership is stalking for an opportunity to ‘solve’what they commonly refer to as ‘the Museveni problem’, once (and) for all.

In another recent incident, gunmen attacked and fired at the car of Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda, Deputy Minister of Health, at his home. Dr. Rugunda is a key member of the UPM National Executive Committee who is known to be a close confidant of Muse­veni.

It has also been learnt that the UPM Secretary for Mpigi District, Herman Mugoye, was abducted from his house at Kajansi by armed men in Uniform. Efforts by UPM officials traced him to a room in Nile Mansions where, it is understood, he was being urged to ‘co-operate’.

At a press conference in the course of the week, Democratic Party boss Paul Semogerere complained that DP suppo­rters in various parts of the country are being subjected to intimidation and torture. These are the conditions under which the Uganda citizenry are proceeding towards the ‘fair and free’ elections on December 10. 1980.

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

NRM RESPONSE TO THE RULING OF THE RT. HON SPEAKER OF PARLIAMENT TO RETAIN IN PARLIMANT THE FOUR (4) MPS WHO CEASED TO BE MEMBERS OF NRM


Following the Rt. Hon. Speaker’s Ruling made on 2nd May 2013, in response to the NRM Secretary General’s notification to her of the party’s decision taken on the four Members of Parliament as a result of their conduct, namely, Hon. Tinkasimire Barnabas, Hon Theodore Ssekikubo, Hon. Mohammed Nsereko and Hon Wilfred Niwagaba, Members of Parliament for Buyaga West, Lwemiyaga County, Ndorwa West and Kampala Central respectively; asking her to notify the Clerk to Parliament, that their positions had fallen vacant, and her subsequent refusal to honor the request, the NRM responds to her ruling as follows;

The NRM takes exception to the Rt. Hon. Speaker’s ruling to retain in Parliament the four MPs who ceased to be its members, and on whose ticket they were elected to Parliament.

1) The Rt. Hon Speaker’s decision was selective, convenient and ignored to read and apply the provisions of the Constitution holistically and fell short of taking cognizance of Article 1 (2) which empowers the people of Uganda to choose how they shall be governed.

2) The people of Uganda, during the 2005 Referendum adopted the Multi Party system of governance as the political framework under which Parliament operates.

3) Art. 78 of the Constitution supported by the Parliamentary Elections Act, the Administration of Parliament’s Act and the Rules of Procedure of Parliament of Uganda, provide for the sitting arrangement in Parliament based on parties, independents and special interest groups. So the decision of the speaker to retain in Parliament the four MPs, creates another group in Parliament that is legally strange.

4) In taking her decision, the Rt. Hon. Speaker should have taken consideration of the entire constitutional provisions so as to give Article 83 (1) (g) of the Constitution its rightful meaning. Having failed to do so, she limited the operation and development of parties in the Multi Party system dispensation, which the people of Uganda adopted in 2005.

5) The affected MPs having ceased to be Members of NRM, ipso facto, and as such ceased to be Members of Parliament. This is so because, there are four sides of representation in Parliament; namely, Government (NRM), the opposition, independents and for UPDF.

6) By purporting to create special accommodation for the (4) four Members of Parliament, in front of the Speaker’s desk, she effectively recognizes the fact that they ceased to belong and represent NRM in Parliament which defeats her earlier interpretation of Article 83 (1)(g) of the Constitution.

7) We contend that, it was an error of judgment for the Speaker to have purported to create another category of representation in Parliament outside those provided for in the law and this will be vigorously challenged.

8) It is also worth noting that the Speaker is the 2nd National Vice Chairperson of the NRM, member of Central Executive Committee (CEC), and having attended and actively participated in the unanimous decision regarding the status of the four named MPs in the Central Executive Committee (CEC) of NRM, it would have been prudent to disqualify herself from presiding over the same subject matter in Parliament.

9) The Speaker’s decision notwithstanding, the NRM takes the firm position that the membership of the four MPs in its ranks ceased, and their continued stay in Parliament does not only offend the clear provisions of the Constitution but also undermines the will of the People who exercised their power to decide on how to be governed.

10)The ruling of the Speaker is not only an issue of NRM as a political organization but sets a serious and dangerous precedent that undermines the spirit of Pluralism. Consequently, the NRM disagrees with her ruling, and has taken a firm decision to refer the matter to the Courts of law for adjudication.

Hon. Ruhakana Rugunda
Chairman NRM Electoral Commission*********************

secession talk is another question demanding answers.


muhooziUganda: secession talk is another question demanding answers.
By Elamu denis ejulu

Politicians have always been the ones known to echo sentiments on secession, of late this year the Acholi members of parliament, reignited the debate on the issue, which has been treated overtime with entrenched suspicion within the ruling NRM and various sections of the country.

This writer would like to add his voice, to this intricate question that has been around as old as this country (Uganda). A section of politicians has chosen to treat this subject (secession) in ethnic lenses from Buganda’s demand for federalism and now the much touted Nile republic (stretching from northern Uganda to South Sudan).

According to Wikipedia, the term “secession” refers to separatism which includes autonomism and self determination/greater autonomy. A clear example has been the agitation by the Scottish nationalist party (SNP) which on winning a majority in the Scottish parliament in 2011, intends to hold a referendum on independence —- in the autumn of 2014.

This would mean that the 1706 treaty of union agreed upon between England and Scotland would come to an end. Meaning the later would seek self determination which is enshrined in the U.N.charter resolution 1514(XV).

The Scottish may seem to have advanced beyond issues like chronic poverty, bad governance but they too like any other society have genuine grievances, which are popular within themselves. Uganda can borrow a cue from such, since we belong to the common wealth of nations.

This does not make us act exceptional, fore stance under the federal agreement that created Uganda, on independence in 1962 between the 14 communities, could be revisited in case of dissatisfaction with the marriage that created Uganda.
Therefore the talk on separation or autonomism, should not be treated with acrimony but accepted as part of the several opportunities, that could heal certain historical problems in our country. The NRM must choose either dialogue as enshrined in article 29, of the constitution or simply repressiveness, postponing the trouble.

It has been propagated by some individuals, that if some regions are granted autonomy or semi-autonomy the country will descend into anarchy. This has been argued in a defeatist manner that seeks to silence even the slightest deliberations on a possibility of regional autonomy (federal system).

In my opinion, this would be the best model for this country. We have been at war within ourselves for over the last 50 years. From the 1962-66 till today we have endured a centralized system of government that has absorbed all resources for the ruling elites, while suffocating the county governments.

This has been coupled with endemic corruption, nepotism and incompetence at the top affecting service delivery at the lower levels of the polity. For us to cure the problems created by the powerful presidency and mal administration.
We need a paradigm shift as a country and this would be federation of the country. Those who argue for secession may not do it out of hate, greed or chauvinism but they try to give the centre chance to reform and ensure equity, effective service delivery and rule of law but much of their effort is instead misconstrued by the suspicious rulers to be anti-nationalists and myopic.
A case in point since 1986 the northern part of this country has been at war (either victims of a war they didn’t start or the perceived marginalization). Its only of recent after the cessation of hostilities between government and the LRA that normalcy started to return, but with all this, came the problem of land grabbing, nodding disease and even the little affirmative programmes geared towards alleviating social deprivation like the peace, recovery and development programme funds (PRDP) were embezzled by corrupt officials in the office of the prime minister.

Such scenarios are what motivate people, to wonder whether they should continue to be under a corrupt, unjust and intolerant NRM government? Instead they opt to determine their destiny but out of frustration amid several opportunities for reforms not forth-coming.

The Museveni administration should not abdicate its constitutional duty of ensuring that equitable development, justice and service delivery is for all. Efforts at silencing secession talk will be treating symptoms, while running away from ameliorating the injustice and maladministration.

Our elites should learn to speak from informed views, one wonders as if this country is the only one where secession is being discussed? Right next to our door step in Kenya, a nationalist group based in Mombasa is demanding separation, citing issues like unfair distribution of land.

This takes us to learn a few from embattled Mali once a vibrant democracy 5 years ago, the MNLA (Tuareg nationalist group) on citing alleged inequality waged a rebellion against the several successive governments in Bamako based on failure to address historical aspirations of the Tuareg people .

The result has been instability in that Sahel country as of late.
No one can claim that all is well in the country; due to perceived injustice it’s a danger for the political elites to celebrate oil discoveries around Albertine grabben and Amuru. in those regions the locals may feel it’s an opportunity to demand for secession, with intent to put more pressure on the centre for reforms and equity. Since they believe the corrupt who have before stolen money for malaria, tuberclusis will not spare the oil resource.

Museveni following in the footsteps of Gnassingbe Eyadema.


The recent talk of a military coup in Uganda has gained currency and talk as the public discusses the matter in hushed voices. The pronouncers of these startling statements did not speak secretive but openly for all to hear.

This is one of the several incidents that may break the back of the proverbial camel, as one of the NRM party’s long kept secret, could be soon witnessed not in mere words of hatchet men but in practice. Museveni’s Uganda is not different from the late dictator Gnassingbe Eyadema’s Togo.

Having both ascended to power through a military take over whether the latter’s were two successful military coups in both January 1963 and 71 respectively. Contrary to the so-called NRM revolution which some analysts prefer to distance from a military junta by 1986 ushered in Yoweri K. Museveni to power in Uganda.

The aim of this piece is out of what could be an ulterior motive that could let, out one of the longest held plans in both the first family and the military. Having acquired power successfully through a military junta on January 1967, Eyadema through his rally of the Togolese people (RPT) created a one party system, in which political opposition was suffocated and never allowed to compete on leveled ground.

In the 1993 polls the opposition boycotted and in 1998 and 2003 elections they denounced the results as fraudulent. Amid all this controversy the international community as usual threw in some criticism at the big man including our African union to no avail.

The worst case was in the lifting of presidential term limits in 2002, giving the late Togolese strong man, unlimited avenues to life presidency yet by 2003 he was to be ineligible due to constitutional term limits by then of five.

Why is this Togolese personality crucial for Ugandans to study! It should be known that after the death of Gnassingbe Eyadema one of Africa’s longest tyrants by February, 2005. Zakary Nandja, the then chief of staff of the armed forces declared his son Faure Gnassingbe as new president and later after certain incidences he vacated the presidency only to return later winning a landslide election in April 2005.

President Museveni’s talk of the military taking over through his hatchet men like Gen Aronda Nyakairima and defense minister Crispus Kiyonga, is suspicious!

In January this year daily monitor, was awash with altercations between the various retired generals including the president himself and other officials who are privy to certain information on the military.

Despite warnings from the maverick general Tinyefuza to his colleagues. The worst kept secret of Museveni is now bound to be debated and analyzed on whether Uganda is moving in the line presidential monarchs like Togo and the late Elhadj Omar Bongo’s Gabon.

In both countries the sons of the former presidents took over the reins of the presidency through the same situations created to enhance such a ignominious project.

Since the 1986 takeover by the NRM guerillas- cum- politicians, Uganda has had four highly charged multi-party elections which in all complains of rigging, fraud and intimidation were reported to no avail from the 1996, to the 2001 and 2006 elections believed to be one of the most violent since the NRM took power.

Now the rapid meteoric rise of the first son Muhoozi Kainerugaba in the UPDF chain of command, suggests that the big man could do what others have done before on the continent, since it calls for no feeling of contrition.

The situation suggests it all, with the son commanding a sizeable number of the elite forces (reserve forces) which opposition leader Kizza Besigye and many others look at as a private army within the UPDF.

Such an army could create the last bastion of defense to the Museveni’s bidding to have his son imposed on Ugandans like Saddam Hussein’s revolutionary guards.

Never has this country debated or even thought of a transfer of the presidency from father to son but here we are typical Ugandan fashion of today, simply ignoring the worst that could befall our country and the future of the generations to come.

Not even the NRM politicians can stop such scheme since its not even know
n to most of them but this is what Max Weber best described as “neo-patrimonialism”.

After the lifting of presidential term limits (article 105 of the constitution) Museveni seems to continue until natural forces do him apart but while all this is thought, he seems to be determined to transfer power to one of his family relations.

What could aid such an evil! is when the educated and wealthy Ugandans remain mum and submissive to the regime’s patronage. Just like any unexpected happening it will leave an atmosphere of hopelessness.

The Author,Elamu denis ejulu, is a Ugandan commentator and also journalist in Juba with southern eye/south sudan today news papers

Muhoozi’s appointments is the consequence of a Constitution that heaps all the appointing authority on the President


Friday 22 Feb 2013

While President Museveni and Dr Besigye’s face off with pen-on-paper instead of teargas and “ajjagenda (“he will go”), is appealing, I was disappointed that “Uganda’s leading politicians” spent so much space discussing the fast tracking of Brigadier Muhoozi. Has Uganda’s instability since 1964 been due to Presidents fast tracking their sons in the army? Weren’t Gen Muntu, Gen Aronda and Colonel Besigye fast tracked by the same Museveni who is fast tracking Muhoozi? Were they the most senior, eligible, competent, deserving and best choice for the positions of Army Commander, Chief of Defence Forces and Minister, respectively? Was it not the President’s arbitrary discretion? Was it ok to fast track them just because they are not his sons? Did NOT fast tracking their sons in the army make Amin and Obote good leaders? Surely the problem of Uganda is more complex than fast tracking of Muhoozi.

ALL top jobs in Uganda are nominated and appointed by the President through assignment of the constitution. These include the Vice President, Prime Minister, Ministers, Chief Justice, Justices, Judges, Ambassadors, Presidential Advisors, heads of the army, police and prisons, Permanent Secretaries, RDC’s, CAOs, Boards and Commissions of Govt Institutions and Statutory Bodies such as the Electoral Commission, Bank Of Uganda, Uganda Revenue Authority, Judicial Service Commission, Health Service Commission, Education Service Commission, Public Service Commission, Human Rights Commission, Law Reform Commission, Local Government Finance Commission, Uganda Wildlife Authority, Uganda Forestry Authority, Uganda Investment Authority, Uganda Coffee Development Authority, Uganda Cotton Authority, National Agricultural Research Organization, National Environmental Management Authority, National Planning Authority, National Water and Sewerage Corporation, Uganda Electricity Regulatory Authority, Auditor General, Inspector General of Government, Attorney General, Solicitor General, DPP, KCCA and now, the Oil Sector Regulatory Authority. Muhoozi is just one addition to this army of beneficiaries of Museveni’s indulgence.

These, and Muhoozi’s appointments are the consequence of a Constitution that heaps all the appointing authority on the President. The overall effect of this constitutional one-man show is that each of these State and Govt officials, who run Uganda with the President, has a personal stake in the Museveni Presidency and actively or passively contributes to its perpetuation, hence the inability to change Presidents, if we want to!

This is the core of Uganda’s problem which needs to be addressed.

If anybody, including Beti Kamya, became President under this constitution, s(he) would generally fill the above positions with people s(he) trusts or those recommended by people s(he) trusts. They, in turn, would be indebted to the appointing authority and the vicious circle of patronage would continue.

Most of the political issues in Uganda are traceable to the Constitution-created-one-man show.

Can the desired autonomy of the executive, judiciary and legislature work when the Executive appoints the judiciary and 20% of parliament, as provided for in the constitution? What is the effect of fusing a supposedly non-partisan State infrastructure with a legally partisan Govt? Is it pragmatic that parliament, of which 20% are appointed by the executive and 60% constantly hoping to be appointed during a cabinet reshuffle, or to be bailed out in time of need, oversee the performance of the executive?

Shouldn’t Uganda’s constitution be reshaped for its rightful role of steering Uganda to democratic order?

I invite President Museveni and Dr Besigye to raise the level of debate above Museveni and his family, (who will be part of Uganda’s past some day), to the infinite future of Uganda, by evaluating Uganda’s Constitution’s ability to provide a conducive environment to promote democratic order, of which separation of powers is a key feature.

Beti Olive Kamya-Turwomwe

President – Uganda Federal Alliance

Besigye to Museveni: The NRM regime is a military dictatorship


I thank Mr Museveni for the elaborate response to remarks I made; published in the 3rd February Sunday Monitor. I am grateful that he did not threaten to crush or put me 6 feet under, as sometimes happens. Reasoned arguments are, indeed, the rational way to deal with differing views.

I am also grateful because Mr Museveni’s response goes a long way to confirm central themes in my remarks for those who may have had doubt. My remarks covered two central themes; the role of the military in the NRM regime (prompted by recent utterances of coup threats) and the achievements of the NRM regime. In this response, I will only deal with whether the NRM regime is a military dictatorship.

Mr Museveni clearly states in his response that “An NRA/UPDF Military government, provided we had our own financial resources (we did not have to depend on the outside for money) would have moved much, much faster on the transformation of Uganda and Dr Besigye knows that very well”.

He laments that indiscipline by the political actors, saboteurs, or egocentric actors was allowed to cause “needless debates” that delayed progress, including industrialisation. The undisciplined political actors, saboteurs, and egocentric actors from his narrative are people in NRM or opposition parties that question his government’s policies or actions.

He cites (as many times before) the example of MPs who opposed the Bujagali dam project. I intend to comment on Bujagali’s delayed completion when dealing with NRM’s achievements.

For now, what’s important to note is that legitimate, necessary debate on policy and parliamentary oversight is regarded by Mr Museveni as subversive. Having views different from his is indiscipline and egocentric! This underpins how Mr Museveni relates to Parliament (and other institutions of State) up to now.

It is possible to have an efficient Military regime; that espouses good development policies, is disciplined and acts patriotically to spur development. In such a regime, however, citizens have very limited or no power and their rights and freedoms can be abused at will.

This is a Military dictatorship; it’s ability to spur development notwithstanding. In any case, this kind of regime will inevitably degenerate into a corrupt and decadent monster due to the absence of checks on it. This desired path of Mr Museveni could not be pursued because, as he admits, he didn’t have his own financial resources and “had to depend on the outside for money”. This, then, is what compelled him to opt for a civilian cover to the regime.

Even if the NRM military regime had all the money and was not inconvenienced by civilian “saboteurs”, it would not have transformed Uganda. This is because the leaders of the military regime have no ideological clarity and commitment; they are not patriotic or disciplined.

Without the “saboteurs”, Saleh would not have been forced to resign twice due to corruption; what has been witnessed in ghost-soldier scandals, procurement scams in UPDF etc, would have been the centre-stage of government. The privatisation of public companies scandal is well known; “Saboteurs” saved Dairy Corporation from being sold for $1 dollar by Mr Museveni; etc.

Mr Museveni asserts, in his response, that “since 1986, NRA/UPDF ensures peace as well as stability and the civilians manage or mismanage the politics, the administration and the justice”.

He claimed to be answering me “for the young people who do not know our history”.

As part of informing the young people, can Mr Museveni deny the following or accept lying to them:
- From 1986 to 1996, Lt. Gen. Museveni was the President and head of government, Minister of Defence, Speaker of Uganda Parliament, and Operational Commander of the Defence Forces.

- 40% of the NRC Members (MPs) were NRA officers.

- From 1986 – 1996, several serving NRA officers headed government ministries, departments of government, and Local governments.

- NRA was represented in the Constitutional (Odoki) Commission and in the Constituent Assembly.

- NRA Council (chaired by Lt. Gen. Museveni) debated and passed resolutions on restitution of Kingdoms.

- From 1996 – 2013, the UPDF has adversely interfered with elections; more especially, presidential elections. The Supreme Court judgments clearly document this. In 2001, the Chairman of the Electoral Commission wrote to President Museveni desperately stating that the election was being disintegrated by the Military (letter on Court record).

- Mr Museveni was reported to have publicly stated that he went through the furnace to get power and cannot be removed by a mere piece of paper. He didn’t deny the report.

- UPDF MPs sit on the NRM side of Parliament and vote (without exception) with NRM MPs.

- UPDF always surrounds the Parliamentary buildings whenever a controversial matter is to be voted on; eg: the abolition of presidential term limits.

- UPDF (Black Mambas) have made a direct assault on the Judiciary twice.

- Lt. Gen. Museveni has made public ominous threats against the Judiciary that he refused to withdraw even when the entire Judiciary went on strike.

- Presently, there is threat of a military coup. In Mr Museveni’s response, he declined to clarify what he said in Kyankwanzi. What Gen. Aronda said was public.

The above cannot amount to civilians managing the politics, administration and justice since 1986. As I pointed out, what’s causing discomfort now is that the thin veil of civilian participation has started challenging the Ssabagabi (King of Kings); thereby turning into saboteurs, egocentrics, opinionated, and undisciplined actors!

UPDF is not a professional state institution:

Again, Mr Museveni’s response to “Petty Issues” I raised helped to confirm that UPDF is not run as a professional state institution, but primarily a tool for regime protection. The following is noteworthy:
1. Mr Museveni says the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF), Gen. Aronda, salutes Gen. Saleh and Tumwine “because they are senior to Aronda in serving the country”. If the two are Serving Officers of the UPDF, what are the criteria of Seniority within the force? Sec 8 (2) of UPDF Act provides that CDF shall be responsible for Command, Control and Administration of the Defence Forces.

It means that all serving officers of UPDF are placed under the command and control of the CDF.

Saleh and Tumwine are not the only officers senior to Aronda in “serving the country”; is he therefore supposed to salute all of them. Can seniority be measured by the number of guns captured in battle or “firing the first (errant) shot at Kabamba”.

In professional military institutions, seniority is determined only by rank and appointment. Meritorious or exceptional service can be rewarded with medals or other decorations that do not affect the command structure in the Force.

Mr Museveni says he retired Gen. Saleh in 1989 for drunkenness and called him back in 1996 “when he corrected his ways”. Were the procedures for Discharge and Re-engagement provided for under the law followed? Only officers/men who did not offend the Code of Conduct can be re-engaged!

The only purpose for the clumsy, irregular seniority standard is to perpetuate Saleh’s control of UPDF as a regime force.

2. Muhoozi’s illegal recruitment, meteoric rise and preferential appointments:

Recruitment, training, deployment, and promotions of UPDF officers are regulated by the UPDF Act and Regulations- Conditions of Service for officers (CS-O).

All these are available at the Government Printers for anyone interested. These determine what’s lawful or illegal. Sec 51(1) of UPDF Act states that “Authority to recruit persons into the Defence Forces is vested in the Defence Forces Council”.

Regulation 7 of CS-O provides the procedure for Application for Commission. A person shall not be enrolled into the UPDF unless he/she fills a prescribed form and has been selected by a committee.

After enrollment, one must undergo the prescribed basic military training; during which, he/she is graded and reported upon by the officer in charge of training. After the training, one must appear before the Commissions Board for a decision of the Board whether that person shall be commissioned to the UPDF and whether he should go for an officer training in a military academy.

This is the legal process that Muhoozi did not submit himself to before getting enrolled and training as a Cadet Officer. How was he selected to attend the course at the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst, UK?

Regulation 25 of CS-O provides for the promotions of officers. It states: (1) The promotion of an officer shall be recommended by the commanding officer, and the recommendations shall be considered by the Board on three different occasions and shall be within the following service brackets—
(a) after 12 months’ commissioned service, to Lieutenant;

(b) after five to six years’ commissioned service, to Captain;

(c) after 11 to 13 years’ commissioned service, to Major;

(d) after 18 to 20 years’ commissioned service, to Lieutenant Colonel; and

(e) after 21 to 23 years’ commissioned service, to Colonel.

(2) Notwithstanding subregulation (1) of this regulation, exceptional circumstances may be considered in addition to commissioned service.

(3) Promotions of officers above the rank of colonel shall be made by the commander in chief on the advice of the High Command.

(4) The High Command may vary the service brackets for promotions under this regulation.

Muhoozi illegally joined the UPDF in 1999 as a Cadet Officer; he was commissioned as Second Lieutenant in 2000. He became a Major in 2003; Lt. Col in 2008; and attained his current rank of Brigadier General in 2012, after 12 years of commissioned service.

He ought to have been considered for promotion to rank of Colonel after 21 years of commissioned service. Why hasn’t the “clogging on ranks” caused by lack of money to retire other officers affected Muhoozi? What exceptional circumstances advised his meteoric rise to his current rank in less than half the required time?

Is it also a coincidence that the “school friends he asked to bring along for elementary training during his “A” level holiday” have all had meteoric rise in rank and appointments of UPDF? I am not questioning their “patriotic ideological interest in the Army” or whether they are “Godsend to the Army” as characterized by Mr. Museveni. What I question is whether they follow the laws and regulations that govern UPDF.

When Muhoozi was, in 2007, admitted to the Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, USA, he had to be given a temporary rank of a Major to enable him access to the course because he was still too junior for it. Were there no qualified officers with an appropriate rank to do the course?

Muhoozi’s spokesman Capt Edson Kwesiga while responding to my interview remarks in the New Vision of 5th February, wrote that “of course Besigye never attended any course, not even cadet”.

Let it be known that I was at a rank of Senior Officer in January 1986 (though now omitted in the official list contained in UPDF Act); was commissioned to the rank of Lt. Colonel, when formal NRA ranks were awarded in 1987; attended the Officers’ Basic Course (OBC) 2nd in-take in 1990 with, among others, the current CDF Gen Aronda (Captain at the time) and was presented a trophy by President Museveni for being the best in theory and in the field. I was never offered another chance for other courses till I retired in 2000.

Another matter of curiosity is that since Muhoozi was “commissioned” to rank of 2nd Lt., he has been attached to the unit that protects the president up to now. It was one unit (PPU), then a Brigade (PGB), and now Special Forces.

One would be justified in wondering whether he joined UPDF because of “ideological interest in the Army” as claimed by his father or simply to protect the regime.

Muhoozi is illegally in UPDF. The parliamentary Committee on Defence and Security should take interest in this matter. His commission should be nullified for it was illegally obtained.

3. Mr Museveni’s military combat dress: The reasons he advances for his actions are (a) he is the Commander-in-Chief (CIC), (b) he likes the uniform he has used while in previous wars, (c) he was sworn-in as president in the Army green uniform and (d) the World war veterans are a beautiful sight in their uniforms and a visual lesson in our history.

Military dress is supposed to be gazetted and regulated by law to protect the security of military installations, work and operations. Mr Museveni conveniently doesn’t refer to rules. Military attire cannot be determined by the likes of a person or by historic sentiments. The CIC of the Defence Forces must be a civilian according to our Constitution. That’s how the UPDF is supposed to be subordinate to civilian authority. It cannot be the license for donning combat uniforms. If the law provides for civilians putting on ceremonial military dress, they can do so.

Worse still Mr Museveni’s use of the UPDF combat uniforms is not restricted to official ceremonies. He has been prominently seen recently wearing combat dress for civilian burials, weddings, commissioning a small dam, addressing Makerere students etc. He even personally carries an assault machinegun, as he did while inspecting the Bududa mudslide disaster!

The timing of wearing military attire betrays the intention. It is brought out when there are political challenges (from the “saboteurs, undisciplined political actors etc); for which he needs to remind all concerned where the power lies.

All the above confirm that the NRM regime is essentially a Military dictatorship. Mr Museveni’s response also exposes his claim to being the NRM struggle; monopoly of the right/ correct information; micromanaging of the government and contempt for institutions.

Mr Museveni claimed in his response that I attacked the “achievements of NRM over the last 43 years of struggle for liberation”. NRM as an organisation was formed at the end of 1981.

NRM’s entire life before and after 1986 is 31 years. Museveni, however claims to have started struggling for Uganda’s “liberation” in 1969/70 as a student. His struggle is the NRM struggle! Replying or clarifying matters of government does not have to take the personal time of the president; forcing him to “abandon more useful work”.

Mr John Nagenda, Senior Presidential Advisor on Media, who would be well informed and responding to the “lies and malice” of the Monitor and its collaborators, is among those who, according to his boss, “appear to have been genuinely duped by this subterfuge manufactured by the Daily Monitor”!!

In conclusion, Uganda is presently run, essentially, as a military dictatorship; the UPDF is not run as a professional national institution envisaged under the law and Constitution, but as a regime-protection force; and Mr Museveni is the common factor in mismanaging the politics and the military.

editorial@ug.nationmedia.com

http://www.monitor.co.ug/SpecialReports/Besigye-to-Museveni–The-NRM-regime-is-a-military-dictatorship/-/688342/1691860/-/r5m1pv/-/index.html

Museveni Clarifies on Besigye’s ‘lies’ and questions regarding his son,Brigadier Muhoozi


I have been watching, without comment, the circus that has been going on in the newspapers of Uganda about UPDF wanting to make a coup; that some leaders, including myself, made comments to that effect. Then, that manufactured lie being amplified by individuals who, for many years, have been in the habit of promoting intrigue and indiscipline in the NRM. A few other commentators like Mr. John Nagenda appeared to have been genuinely duped by this subterfuge manufactured by the Daily Monitor newspaper and its collaborators.

I refused to comment for two reasons. Reason number one is that some of these newspapers endlessly tell lies. One would have to abandon more useful work to respond to the lies and malice of these papers always manipulated by the enemies of Uganda. The second reason is that I do not want to be used by the enemies of Uganda to also contribute to the diversion of the public’s attention from their core interests to the endless schemes of these enemies. The intention of these enemies is to divert the attention of the public from their core interests to these lies and also to scare businesses that may want to come to Uganda by presenting Uganda as potentially unstable. I cannot join such schemes annoying though they may be.

At Kyankwanzi, we only allowed the Press at the opening ceremony and the closing ceremony. During the rest of the time (this time, from 11th to 18th of January, 2013), we were engaged in very serious discussions about a very large number of topics confidentially. In the end, we passed Resolutions which were published. The Daily Monitor newspaper may not even have published those Resolutions – deliberate conclusions of the NRM’s Parliamentary Caucus Retreat. Instead, they manufacture a lie or bring issues totally out of context. I cannot, nevertheless, be provoked into answering the lies of such schemers in order to “clarify” because those were confidential discussions. As time passes, Uganda will grow more immune to this endless blackmail and provocation. As for the schemers, there is a time for everything, it says in the Book of Ecclesiastes Chapter 3: 1-8: “…There is a time for everything, and a season for every activity under the Heavens: a time to be born and a time to die, a time to plant and a time to uproot…..a time to love and a time to hate, a time for war and a time for peace”

We have seen such characters before. On the 23rd of January, 1973, for instance, I was on a clandestine mission with two of my colleagues in Mbale against Idi Amin’s regime. We were in Maumbe’s house, House No.49, Maluku Estate. At around 1500 hours, we were suddenly surrounded by about 15 military Police of Idi Amin. I fought my way out of that encirclement but, unfortunately, my two colleagues were killed. We also killed two of the Military Police. The schemers and the enemies were soon at work. “Museveni is the one who killed his colleagues. If he did not kill them, why did he not die himself? Why did he escape alive?” All those schemes never stopped the NRM from winning victories. We are now much better positioned to defeat those schemes compared to 1973, when we were much weaker but as greatly motivated as we are today. I wish good luck to the schemers.

Nevertheless, I have now decided to write something because the Sunday Monitor of the 3rd of February, 2013, published an interview by Dr. Besigye. The aim of the Monitor paper is always to demean the achievements of the NRM and divert Ugandans from their core interests. Now that the whole of Uganda is peaceful, we have adequate electricity, we (the NRM) discovered the oil for the Ugandans, we have a massive educated force, etc., this is too much for the Monitor newspaper. They must promote chaos through talk of coups, lies about the Prime Minister and Ministers taking bribes from oil companies, recall of Parliament, Museveni killing the late Nebanda, etc. Monitor newspaper you will fail.

Since, however, Dr. Besigye gave an extensive interview in that enemy paper attacking the achievements of NRM over the last 43 years of struggle for liberation and the building of Uganda in the last 27 years of that time, I will answer him for the sake of the young people who do not know that history well.

I will start with his last point while responding to the Monitor Interviewer who asked Dr. Besigye the following question: “But the NRM has as well grown the economy. President Museveni revealed at the same function that the economy is growing 14 times annually?” Of course, this question had itself a mistake. The economy is now 14 times bigger than it was in 1986. It is now 50 trillion shillings while in 1986, it was 3.5 trillion shillings. In dollars, it is US$ 20 billion. In the 1990s only the economy of Kenya was US$ 12 billion in East Africa. We have now surpassed that level. By the end of this Financial Year, the economy will be 58 trillion shillings or about US$ 22 billion in spite of the slower rate of growth created, partly, by the slower global rate of growth.

Dr. Besigye answered the interviewer by saying that the NRM has failed to live up to Point Number 5 of the NRM Programme of building an integrated self-sustaining economy – that is, creating an economy with inter-sectoral linkages, e.g. agriculture producing raw materials for industry and industry producing inputs for agriculture, etc. It is true that the NRM has not completed the job of transformation of the economy, mainly, for two reasons: the very low base from which we started and sabotage by some political actors, especially, those who, eventually, joined FDC and other opposition groups. I remember very well that, for instance, many of those who opposed Bujagaali hydro power project were individuals who, eventually, joined the opposition groups. Bujagaali is now finished, but late by about 15 years. That is why we will no longer tolerate those internal saboteurs or those from the opposition opposing industrialization. Nevertheless, that sabotage and the low base we started from notwithstanding, the progress in industrial production can only be denied by somebody who is pathologically biased. The share of industry to GDP is now 26.4% while in 1986, it was 9.9% of GDP. This is 26.4% of an economy that is 14 times bigger than it was in 1986. The industrialization of the economy under NRM started with the rehabilitation of industries that were producing consumer goods: beers, sodas, soap, sugar, tea, etc. Before 1986, all these were being imported from Kenya, they were in great scarcity and they were being smuggled into the country. The smuggling (known as magendo) meant that the State was not getting taxes on these goods. Uganda is not only self-sufficient in most of these goods but is, actually, exporting a lot of them to the neighbouring countries. The value of the exports of industrial goods is now US$ 509 million. Then, there is the production of intermediate goods (goods that are needed as inputs into other industries) such as cement and steel-bars (mitayimbwa) for construction. The relevant figures are: the production of cement in 1986 was about 76,400 metric tonnes per annum; the production is now 2.4 million met. tonnes per annum. The production of mitayimbwa was 832 metric tonnes per annum in 1986. It is now about 240,000 metric tonnes per annum. The production of car batteries in 1986 was 4,000 batteries per annum. The production is now 170,000 batteries per annum. Many of these products are being exported to the neighbouring countries. Uganda is now exporting industrial products. Then, there is the value addition to agricultural products. Let us take the example of milk. By 1986, all processed milk was coming from outside (Kenya, Denmark, etc.). Today, Uganda is not only self-sufficient in processed milk products but she is actually exporting quite a bit of these, not only to the region but internationally.

Recently, we have been negotiating with India to accept our processed milk. There are scientific innovations and inventions – banana starch, juices, machine-parts and machines, the electric car, etc. Now that we have, finally, overcome the sabotage of the groups people like Dr. Besigye belong to by regaining the initiative in electricity, nothing will stop us. Uganda is now generating (installed capacity) 828 MW compared to 60 MW in 1986. We would be much further if it was not for the sabotage of the said factions.

Dr. Besigye keeps deceiving civilians who do not know the history of NRA well that we have been running a Military Government all these years. Surely, Dr. Besigye, you know very well that these sabotages by your groups would not have been possible if we were running a Military Government; nor would have been the indiscipline by the political actors possible. It is precisely because of the early civilianization and democratization of the politics that saboteurs have been able to delay our progress including industrialization. We do not regret this, however, because it allows the whole population to be involved in the debates (needless debates created by either saboteurs or ego-centric actors) and, in the process, the population matures more politically and ideologically. That is why the NRM has been winning in all the General Elections in spite of the reckless and irresponsible lies by the opposition – “Museveni has sold Lake Victoria; Museveni has sold Lake Kyoga, etc.” It is slower but it is the only way to move. An NRA/UPDF Military Government, provided we had our own financial resources (we did not have to depend on the outside money), would have moved much, much faster on the transformation of Uganda and Dr. Besigye knows that very well. The sort of schemes he has been promoting would not have been possible. However, right from the beginning we democratized Uganda and have had to cope with the slower pace and more tedious work of dealing with indisciplined, malicious, opinionated or, sometimes, just un-informed actors. Since 1986, the UPDF-NRA ensures peace as well as stability and the civilians manage or mismanage the politics, the administration and the justice. That is the accurate characterization of the situation of Uganda under the NRM.

I must congratulate Dr. Besigye because, in recent statements, he has acknowledged the undeniable success of the NRA/UPDF. In his recent interview, he, for instance, said: “in some parts of the country where there were no insurgencies, especially the Southern and Central Uganda, security has been generally better than it was before 1986 and one can say, therefore, thanks to the NRM Government.”

He, then, spoils that correct assessment by quickly adding: “But that is debatable because indeed there was no challenge to the regime”!! Well that is not correct. There was Itongwa who was quickly put out of action. There was “walk to work”, which was defeated by the Police in spite of the very weak legal framework that would allow a trouble maker to flout bail terms and continue to be free to threaten the merchandise of tomato sellers in the markets. There were challenges in the South and the Central regions but they were defeated. After all, the Rwenzori and Bunyoro are part of the South where ADF tormented people. ADF was defeated without NRA/UPDF violating the human rights of the population. Similarly, in the North and North-East, the terrorists and cattle-rustlers were defeated. There were some mistakes like Mukula and Bucoro incidents as well as deliberate crimes like Kanyum. Where these mistakes and crimes came to the surface (were reported) decisive action was taken. Since 1986, we have publicly executed 22 soldiers on account of committing serious crimes against wanainchi, such as murder, armed robbery, rape, etc.

That is why the much suffering population of Northern Uganda and North-Eastern Uganda ran to IDPs because they were protected by the Army. They did not run into exile. They had confidence in the Army and they knew they were running away from terrorists. In fact, the population was blaming us for not defeating the rebels quickly. After all, the first people to take up arrows against the terrorists in 1991 were the people of Acholi. That is when Kony started cutting off people’s limbs, noses, legs, etc., because they were reporting him to UPDF because he was disturbing their peace.

Therefore, Dr. Besigye’s thesis that the NRA/UPDF maintained security only where it had no challenge is discredited by the facts of the history of the struggle for stability. Apart from a few mistakes that were not reported, the NRA/UPDF defeated the terrorists and protected people. Where violation of the human rights was reported, stun action was taken. On account of the exemplary discipline of the NRA/UPDF, its ideological orientation and its professional development, our Army has been able to operate in very sensitive situations like Congo as well as Somalia and come out with flying colours. Therefore, the NRA/UPDF brought “oturo” (to sleep peacefully without worry) not only to the people of Central and Southern Uganda but to all the people of Uganda (North, North-East and Karamoja included) as well as to the people of Congo, Somalia, South Sudan, Central African Republic (CAR), wherever it operates – whether challenged or not.

Having disposed of the more substantive points of Dr. Besigye, let me deal with the petty issues Dr. Besigye and his colleagues keep raising. These are: the story about Muhoozi and now Dr. Besigye has added the question of Museveni putting on military uniform when he is the President as well as why we should take MPs to Kyankwanzi, put them in military uniform and make them salute.

Why take MPs to Kyankwanzi?

What a question from Dr. Besigye, former National Political Commissar (NPC) of NRM? Have you forgotten how it was political education that galvanized our people to withstand all the difficulties the NRM faced – killings of our supporters, hunger, lack of drugs, living in the bush, etc. If you are now allergic to the word political education, use “sensitization”, “advocacy” for certain ideas, etc. There is much “advocacy” and “sensitization” by foreign NGOs which the groups of Dr. Besigye associate so much with. Why doesn’t Dr. Besigye object to those programmes? Why then does Dr Besigye object to our advocacy for patriotism, Pan-Africanism, social –economic transformation and democracy? The wanainchi, including MPs, putting on military uniform in a regulated manner, is a big advantage. First of all, the MPs identify with the Army. What is wrong with that? They gain interest in Army work, they understand a bit better the work of the Army. This gives the Army a wider catchment area when it comes to recruitment.

Besides, our strategic doctrine is to maintain a small standing Army of about 50,000, with a large number of officers and NCOs, but have all Ugandans of military age as part of strategic reserve so that in case of war, a big war not this business of Kony, we are able to mobilize an Army of millions to defend our country. That is why we have our reserve command. Political leaders involving themselves in quasi-Army activities, builds up enthusiasm and understanding for the Army. Besides, it benefits the MPs themselves, not only in terms of ideology, but also in the rudiments in terms of self-defence.

Coming to Muhoozi, he was not irregularly recruited.

When he was still in his A’ level holiday, he asked to bring along some of his school friends for elementary military training. I was very happy to see him pick up interest in the work of the Army, after all, he was born in the Army and grew up in the Army. While much of our Army work was clandestine and in the bush, whenever opportunity presented itself, my children would live with the Army (e.g. 1979 – 81 and 1986 to-date).

If a child picks interest in Army work because of those surroundings or for any other reason, patriots can only be very happy. Youths who join the Army not as a means of living but because of patriotic ideological interest in the Army, are a Godsend to that Army. Muhoozi having finished his degree course at Nottingham, U.K., expressed his long standing interest to join the Army where he was documented, went for Officer Cadet Course and qualified for the elementary Army leadership course. Why would any patriotic Ugandan be unhappy with that? If my son is not interested in the army to defend Uganda, having spent all my adult life doing nothing else but that, that would be proof that our system is a failure. Why would the children of other Ugandans be interested? It is, actually, also good publicity for the Army among the youth to attract them to join.

Muhoozi doing many courses.

Dr. Besigye was part of the Army leadership because he was Chief of Logistics and Engineering (C.L.E.) at one time. He knows that we worked out a career progression scheme for the Army. The scheme provided the years the Army personnel should stay on a particular rank, when he should go for a course or retire when he is not able to progress. The only complication is that lack of adequate funds does not allow us to retire so many people because we would have to give them the retirement packages. That is what may cause clogging on ranks. Otherwise, training, serving and training again should be the way to go. Also training according to the skills needed. When the Besigyes were in the Army, the wish of the Army was to send them for many courses, within the country and abroad. Many of that group could not go to some of these courses and Dr. Besigye knows why.

Why does Aronda salute Saleh and Tumwine?

It is because they are senior to Aronda in serving the country. We maintain layers of organic leadership – the active and the retired but available. I had retired General Saleh in 1989, because of drinking alcohol and appearing drunk in public. That weakness did not, however, eliminate the fact that Saleh had led operations in which we had captured the greatest amount of guns (Masindi, Kabamba, Mubende, Katonga, Masaka, Mbarara and Kampala). When he corrected his ways, we called him back in 1996 to confront the aggression on our northern border. You know what good work he did with other commanders who were working with him – Kazini, Katumba, etc. Why does Besigye not value the services of such comrades?

Gen. Tumwine is the officer that fired the first shot at Kabamba, he was our Army Commander for a number of years. He is always active in mobilization. War, Dr. Besigye, is not a tea party. The more brains you have, the better unless there are irreconcilable differences in which case we part ways.

Why does Museveni, being President of the Republic of Uganda put on uniform when he retired from the Army?

First of all, Museveni is Commander-In-Chief of the UPDF. All Commanders-In-Chief, even the ones that have never been in Army, put on ceremonial uniforms on Army occasions. Those who were old enough would have seen Mzee Kenyatta, Mzee Obote and Mzee Nyerere putting on uniforms. Mwalimu Nyerere used to put on National Service uniform. Instead of putting on the ceremonial uniform, I prefer to put on the Army green that I used in all the Resistance wars (1971-79, 1981-86 and ever since). I was sworn in as President on the 29th of January 1986, in that Army green. Sometimes I put on Army camouflage if it is well tailored. Even Army officers and personnel, who are not Commanders-in-Chief, should put on Army uniforms on ceremonial occasions even if they are retired. Have you not seen the 2nd World War veterans (the inter-imperialist war of 1939-45) putting on British Army uniforms given to them in 1946 when they left the British Army? They are a beautiful sight to see and a visual lesson in our history. Why would anybody be unhappy about this?

Regarding the MPs being the elected representatives of the people, that is correct. Only that Dr. Besigye forgot to include in his interview the fact that there is another Authority who is also an elected representative of the people – the President who gets more votes than any MP. It must have been an unintended oversight.

In the next piece, I will deal with the remaining elements of Besigye’s interview. These were: ‘Special Forces was created for Muhoozi; poverty; we went to the bush to overthrow Army rule; and power belongs to the people and not the Army’.

In the meantime, it is better for everybody if the promoters of endless political indiscipline and those who undermine patriotism were to rein themselves in. The patriotic forces that spearheaded the liberation of the country are ready and able to ensure that Uganda takes-off now that we have surmounted the consequences of the previous sabotage and are achieving a level of self-sufficiency in finance. We will, therefore, not tolerate any new sabotage schemes.

I thank the editor for the space for this clarification.

President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni

5th February 2013
Arua

President meets Butaleja NRM leaders ahead of election


Rear of Nile Hotel, in Jinja

Rear of Nile Hotel, in Jinja


Wednesday, 23rd January 2013

President Yoweri Museveni has today met and held discussions with the National Resistance Movement (NRM) Party flag bearer for Butaleja district Andiru Florence Nebanda and other candidates who lost out in the party primaries.

The meeting aimed at creating harmony ahead of the February 11 polls followed the party primaries in which Nebanda polled 38, 978 votes against her close rival Ms Allen Wegulo, who got 4,950. Other candidates in the race were Ms Aidah Hadoto, who got 4,076 votes, Ms Betty Nesihwe who polled 4,068, Ms Mary Mboira, who got 987 votes and Ms Sarah Namusabi got 622 votes.
The meeting was held at the President’s country home in Rwakitura, Kiruhuura district and was attended by the Minister without portfolio, Hon. Richard Todwong, the Deputy Secretary General of NRM, Ms. Dorothy Hyuha, the NRM Elections Commissioner, Professor Elijah Mushemeza, and Butaleja RDC, Ms. Martha Asiimwe, among others.

The seat fell vacant last month following the death of Hon. Cerinah Nebanda.

ENDS

M7′s speech at the opening of the NRM cacus retreat in Kyankwanzi


A FILTHY HOUSE IN PAKWACH

A FILTHY HOUSE IN PAKWACH

By 1986, when the NRM took power, Uganda’s economy was only US$ 0.246 billion in size, we were collecting only 5 billion shillings (1.4% of GDP) in taxes, the infrastructure had totally collapsed (roads, schools, health units electricity, etc.), infant mortality was 122 for every 1,000 children born alive and the average life expectancy was 43 years of age. What is the situation now? The size of the economy is now US$ 20 billion, we have done a total of 1,355 kms of new tarmac roads and repaired 1,621 kms of old tarmac roads since 1986, expanded electricity generation from 60 MW to 812 MW today, infant mortality is now 54 per 1,000 born alive children compared to 122 per 1,000 born alive in 1986, average life expectancy is now 50.4 years for both female and male compared to 43 years in 1986 and the percentage of people below the poverty line is now 24.5% compared to 56% in 1986. Therefore, the economy has expanded more than 81 times since 1986.

However, this expansion has not covered all the sectors uniformly. Apart from the Government constructed infrastructure elements of roads, power stations, schools, health units, etc., the economy, the portions driven by the private sector, has done well in the areas of: real estate (construction), services (transport such as boda bodas, buses, kamunyes, shopping malls, hair salons, petrol stations, hotels and restaurants, tour operators, etc), plantation agriculture as well as large scale farming and tourism (numbers of tourists have gone from 98,405 in 1986 to 1,151,356 today). These four sectors and services in general (real estates, services, modern agriculture and tourism) have created 872,260 jobs. You all can see that these jobs are not enough. The expansion of education and health services has also created an additional …………. Jobs. The problem with education and health, however, is that they do not create wealth (money-income) in the short run. Education and, to some extent, health create capacity which may create jobs in the medium and long term period if they are well focused and harnessed. Healthy people work better if they are motivated and properly oriented. Healthy people can, however, also waste their productive time in bars, playing pool or watching European football matches even during working hours. In that case, the people will be healthy but not productive. Similarly, you can get educated people, either in liberal studies or sciences, but who fail to get an entrepreneurial frame of mind. Nevertheless, generally speaking a healthy society which is also educated is better than an illiterate and sickly one. However, the whole society needs to be re-oriented away from laziness and parasitism to production and generating of profits in the respective enterprises.

As already pointed out above, the sectors of construction, services, tourism and plantation as well as large scale agriculture have been growing very fast. Construction at the rate of 8.9% per annum, services at the rate of 7.7% per anuum, tourism at the rate of 8.8% per annum as well as large scale agriculture and plantation agriculture at the rate of 1.8% per annum(not so fast).
Two crucial sectors have been growing also. These two sectors are: subsistence agriculture and manufacturing. Manufacturing has been growing at the rate of 7% per annum. Subsistence agriculture should not only grow but should be completely phased out, to be replaced by small scale or medium scale commercial farming. The growth of manufacturing will completely transform Uganda. I have repeatedly given you the example of milk in North Ankole (Kazo-Nyabushozi). There are now 200 milk coolers in this area, handling 2,500 litres of milk per cooler per day. These now employ 1,600 people working in the coolers and about 100 people working as Bagyemuzi ─ the people that carry milk on the bicycles from the farms to the cooling plants. These cooling plants are located at the sub-county level or at lower levels of trading centres. As I told you , there are 70 coolers in the Trading Centre of Rushere alone. Rushere trading centre is in Kenshunga sub-county. The following are the trading centres found in Kenshunga sub-county: Kiruhuura, Nyakasharara, Rushere, Nshweere, Rutoma, Kitagyi, Katongore, Mugore, Nyanga and Mirama. This is what I would like to see in the whole of Uganda. Each sub-county must be a mini-industrial centre with milk coolers, fruit processors, honey extractors, vegetable oil extractors, silk fabric processor, coffee hullers, coffee roasters, tea factories, etc. etc. All the administrative centres at the sub-county level, provided there is electricity, must be mini-industrial centres. All these will be agro-based industries.

There are, however, other industries that are based or will be based on minerals, fisheries, timber, ICT, engineering (heavy and light), scientific discoveries, etc. The scientific discoveries are based on the human brains ─ the educated and empowered brains of our scientists. They have already started. The inventions by Dr. Muranga for the bananas, Doctors Tikodri and Musasazi for the Kiira electric vehicle, Dr. Kyamuhangire, the anti-malaria-larvae discoveries, etc. are part of the limitless gold mine based on our human brains ─ far richer than the oil which some people are spending on so much time. Oil is a good catalyst, a short and medium term enabler that will help us to build our infrastructure faster. The consumption capacity of our population and the brain power of our scientists are however, in the end, a far greater wealth than the minerals or the oil and gas. Those intoxicating our society with the stories of great wealth through oil are doing us a disservice. Up to now, we have confirmed 4 billion barrels in the ground. Assuming, over the whole project time, we shall pump out of the ground 2.5 billion barrels (because you cannot pump out all the oil), at the present price of US$ 100 per barrel, Uganda will get 250 billion dollars over the whole project time. Is this the money Uganda is going to depend on for all this time? How much is South Korea (a country half the size of Uganda) or Japan earning in exports per annum? South Korea is earning US$……. billions per annum. Japan is earning US$…. billions per annum. Neither of them has oil, gas, minerals or even serious agriculture. They both, mainly, depend on the brains of their scientists.

Manufacturing has grown at the rate of 7% per annum. It will, however, grow at a much faster rate since we have solved the problem of electricity, provided we also solve the problem of the price of electricity. The problem of high electricity prices must be addressed. On account of using private companies to build electricity generation plants as we did with Bujagaali working with Aga Khan the price of electricity ends up being high. While the private companies help us to build the power houses, they use money borrowed from banks with high interest rates. When these private companies integrate these bank interest rates and their own profits into the price of electricity, the price ends up being too high to be afforded by the manufacturer, especially. The Uganda Manufacturers Association (UMA) are already complaining about these high electricity prices. One way to solve this problem is for the Government to pay off these private companies so that they stop over pricing electricity. This should be studied. The real solution is for the Government to take on the sole responsibility of building the electricity dams. That is where the money from oil would come in handy. Our manufacturers need cheap electricity to be competitive. The price of electricity to the manufacturers in China is now 7.98 American cents per unit, in the USA, it is 7.11 American cents per unit, in Germany it is 11.94 American cents per unit, in India it is 10.50 Cents per unit, in Tanzania 5 cents per unit and in Uganda it is now 11.60 Cents per unit.

The other obstacle to manufacturing has been political interference by elements of the political class. This has affected the Dairy Corporation, Lugazi Sugar Works, Amuru Sugar Works, etc. There was attempted political interference in the Palm Oil project in Kalangala but we resisted it. Kalangala is now thriving. The Caucus of NRM in Parliament must take a stand on this sabotage. Then there are delays caused by the timid political elements and the indifferent, if not compromised, civil servants. This is affecting Kilembe Mines. There are groups that appear to have the capacity to, finally, revamp and up-grade Kilembe Mines. Officials (political and administrative) have, however, been tossing them up and down for the last two years. They hide behind PPDA laws etc. First of all, PPDA laws were not for investment promotion ─ to attract investments. There were, indeed, for procurement ─ buying goods and services for Government use ─ furniture for Government offices, cars for Government ministries, etc. This is a simple process where the Government (the buyer) is comparing offers from the sellers. To confuse this with attracting people with technology, entrepreneurship and money to invest in our country is to make a very fundamental mistake. Yes, there may be different investors that may be interested in the same area of investment. Quickly compare the proposals and the capacities of the interested companies (technical, entrepreneurial and financial) and decide. All the investors would, surely, be very happy with a quick decision so that they do not have to waste money travelling to and from Uganda endlessly. If we solve the problem of political interference, high electricity prices and delays caused by disoriented political or administrative officials, the manufacturing sectors, based on agro-processing, minerals, forests, fisheries, engineering and the innovation of our scientists, the manufacturing sector will boom, at least for the internal market, the market of South Sudan, Eastern Congo, Western Kenya, North-Western Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi.

When it comes to exports beyond the above regional circle, then we must work with Kenya and Tanzania to modernize and repair the railway lines to the Sea as well as building new ones. The cost of transporting a container by road from Mombasa to Kampala is US$ 4,500 while by rail from Mombasa to Kampala it would be US$3,100. This is with our inefficient railway system as it is at the moment. How will it be with a properly functioning railway system? What is, for instance, the cost of transporting by rail for the same container over the same distance in China, India or Brazil? The comparable figures for China, India and Brazil are ………, ……… and ….… respectively. However, even the antiquated railway of East Africa is cheaper than road transport as shown above.

In spite of the bottlenecks of electricity, political interference as well as delays by the political elements and officials, Uganda now has 416,864 companies that are formally in the services sector comprised of the areas of hospitality (tourism), consultancy, education, health, transport, ICT, beatification (salons), etc. These are employing 872,260 persons. On the manufacturing side (the formal), we have 32,410 companies, employing 153,495 persons.

To conclude this aspect, I request this meeting to resolve to work with me on the issue of the price of electricity (knowing that we shall not lag behind again on the issue of generation), political interference as well as delays by political decision makers and officials.

The other gap in the economic transformation is in the area of continuing to preserve subsistence agriculture ─ 68% of the homesteads according to the census of 2001 were in subsistence farming. Subsistence farming means just growing food for the stomach but not earning meaningful cash. I have already talked to you before on this issue. I have given you written documents. We had 18 days in Entebbe of zonal meetings last year. Just to recapitulate what we discussed then, each homestead of 4 acres should organize commercial agricultural production as follows:
1. 1 acre for coffee (Robusta or Arabica as appropriate);
2. 1 acre of fruits (oranges, mangoes, grapes or apples according to the zones);
3. 1 acre of bananas or other food crops such as rice, cassava, irish potatoes (emondi) or millet (my preferred food);
4. 1 acre of elephant grass (ebisagazi, ebibingo) for the zero grazing cattle;
5. Chicken layers for eggs, improved goats and/or pigs in the backyards of the homes;
6. Mushroom growing even in the peri-urban areas; and
7. Fish farming – especially in the areas of Busoga, Teso and Lango. Recently, I commissioned a fish hatchery in Anyara, Kaberamaido. The farmer there told me that he could get 100 million shillings from the few ponds he has there.

I cannot conclude this speech without talking briefly about infrastructure (roads, electricity, the railway, etc). In the last budget packaging, I insisted on concentrating on the electricity and the roads. With the present rains, you can see what I was talking about. Some of the areas are impassable. The Minister of Works will address you. Nevertheless, it is clear that those priorities were correct. Where they were implemented, the situation is excellent. Where they were not, people are suffering. Let us learn from those mistakes. In recent discussions with some Members of Parliament (MPs), questions were raised as to what criteria is used to pick roads for tarmacking. The main method is relying on the Internal Rate of Return (IRR). This measures the profitability of projects, including roads. Here below are the different roads in Uganda with their IRR: Nyakahita-Kazo-Kamwenge-Fort Portal 22%, Fort Portal-Bundibugyo-Lamia 18%; Kabale-Kisoro 18%; Soroti-Dokolo-Lira 15%; Kampala-Gayaza-Zirobwe 18%, Kigumba-Masindi-Hoima-Kabwoya 18.80%; Rukungiri-Kanungu-Ishasha 5.60%; Muyembe-Nakapiripirit/Moroto-Kotido 5.80%; Masindi Port-Lira-Kitgum 18.80%; Gulu-Atiak-Nimule 18.10%; Vurra-Arua-Koboko-Oraba 16.90%; Olwiyo-Gulu-Kitgum 19.6%; Kapchorwa-Suam 12.10%; Mbale-Bubulo-Lwakhakha 16.00%; Soroti-Katakwi-Moroto-Loktanyala 13.90%; Mukono-Kyetume-Katosi 23.43%; Mpigi-Maddu-Ssembabule 15.20%; Villa Maria Ssembabule 20.33%; Musita-Lumino-Busia-Wanseko 19.50%; Kabwoya-Muzizi Bridge 15.40%; Kayunga-Bbaale-Galiraya 29.50%; Buwaya-Kasanje-Mpigi-Kibibi-Mityana 26.30%; etc. etc.

With funding from International Funding Agencies or Development Partners, they never depart from this principle. The road must have an Internal Rate of Return of above 12% to qualify for international funding. It is us who, when we are able financially, or can engineer a financing solution, that depart from this principle. That is how we tarmacked Mityana-Fort Portal road, Ntungamo-Rukungiri road, Muyembe-Kapchorwa road, Kapeeka-Matugga road, Moroto-Nakapiripiriti road (on-going or about to start), Isingiro road, Ishaka-Kagamba road, etc. Here we used the need to connect the different corners of our country or for some historical reasons (Luwereo war or the 1979 war) in spite the IRR being low. Even when the IRR is very high, such as in the case of Kampala-Masaka (53%) or Kampala-Mityana (18.3%), the external agencies do not come in because they also do not have enough money. That is why the Uganda Government had to do these roads itself (Masaka-Kampala and Mityana-Kampala).

Nevertheless, we have now found solutions for the 19 roads plus Masindi Port-Lira-Kitgum and Nabumali-Butaleja-Namutumba roads in addition to what is already going on in that sector. We have given road equipment to all the districts. The challenge now is to maintain the 11,000 Kms of UNRA roads (tarmac and murram). The Minister argues that the 280 billion shillings we give him for road maintenance and repair is not enough. The other portion of his budget goes on new roads funded wholly by the Uganda Government or in partnership with Development Partners. We are going to discuss this issue in this meeting.

I thank you, congratulate you on finishing 2012 and wish you a happy and prosperous new year.

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