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1980 ELECTIONS:’UNOPPOSED” IS THE VOCABULARY OF UPC ELECTORAL WICKEDNESS

May 14, 13 11:24 AM

1/9 I see some UPC supporters taunting DP for not ‘filing’ candidates during the 1980 elections: typical riggers’ lingo. File candidates! In fact, UPC had ‘filed’ 43 candidates, but to their disappointment, they managed to get 17 “unopposed” giving them a headstart that was further reinforced by Legal Notice No. 10….and of course they refer why other parties did not take UPC to courts of law and they do not tell us why Justice W Wambuzi was summarily sacked a few days before polling day and replaced with George Masika, a card-carrying UPC diehard…and the sacking of 14 non-UPC District Commissioners etc. Let me run you through how UPC “files” candidates:

2/9 Arua: All five DP candidates arrived in time for nomination. The electoral commission had assured all parties that several requirements had been waived due to the prevailing war situation in Arua, Moyo and Nebbi. Almost from nowhere, AM Obote announced on radio that UPC in Arua had no opposition and they were there-and-then declared elected unopposed. The waiving of the requirements was a trap laid for the DP. While the DP candidates took the Electoral Commission for their word, the same commission tipped the UPC to have all documents in place. Although the Arua DP candidates were disqualified fraudulently for non-possession of income tax documents, the UPC candidate for Masaka North, who was unable to secure a nomination on similar grounds was later “nominated”, 36 hours to polling day on 8 December 1980, two weeks after the actual nomination day.

3/9 Moyo: The DP candidate, Engineer Sam Drale was detained by UNLAs some five miles before he reached the DC’s office. He was kept in the Army barracks and released at 1930, after the nominations had ended. The reason for detaining him was that he was plotting to overthrow the Military commission government.

4/9 Mbale: DP candidate Haji Sulaiman Masaba Mbale West constituency was declared nominated at noon on the day. The DC then recalled him with allegations that some of his nomination documents were forged. The DP leaders in Mbale strongly objected to the DC’s claims and the DC chickened out of his scheme.

5/9 Soroti: The DP candidate, Mr Michael Etatau (Soroti Central) was declared nominated at noon, given a certificate of proof of nomination, later he was put at gun point by UNLA personnel and caused to surrender the certificate and ordered to report to the DC. The DC then taught Mr Etatau that from that day onwards, he (Mr Etatau) did not know how to speak English and therefore his nomination was invalid. Elsewhere, DP candidate Mr Raymond Ekadu was nominated, given a certificate but later the certificate was confiscated from him by the Returning Officer on grounds that Mr Ekadu had not resigned from public service, which was in fact not the case. Even if it had been, once nomination is completed, challenges can only arise after the general election has been held.

6/9 Bundibugyo: The DP candidate arrived at the DC’s office, he was ordered to wait for 2 hours and there after tadvised that he was too late.

7/9 Kasese: Nomination papers of all three DP candidates were accepted, notified to the electoral commission in a letter dated 27th November 1980 (which I have seen), and duly gazetted on 5 December 1980. Then on 8 December, 2 weeks after nomination, and 36 hours before polling began, Radio Uganda announced that EC had declared the nomination of those three DP candidates invalid on grounds that the papers had been presented after 1200 noon and that the Returning Officer had only accepted their nomination under duress. The Commonwealth Observer Group strongly objected to this action by Mr Kikira of the EC. The UPCs tampered, rather clumsily, with the nomination papers of the last DP candidate to alter it from 11:58 to 12:05. Apparently, Mr Kikira, the EC Chairman used the Primary Three saliva-on-finger rubber that almost created a hole in the nomination paper. Consequently, two Kasese UPC candidates were elected unopposed. In Kasese North, UPM’s C Kiyonga beat UPC…by 900 votes. On the action of the EC on Kaseese DP nominations, the COG concluded that, “In all the circumstances we have no option but to conclude that the action taken by the electoral commission in declaring the nomination null and void was contrary to the law and had no basis in fact”

8/9 Tororo: The UPM candidates were disqualified from nomination on grounds that they did not know how to speak English. One of the victims of that requirement was Chango Macho W’obanda, who was at the time, (and for many years before and after) a Senior Lecturer at the Makerere University Centre for Continuing Education. Father Okoth was blocked on similar grouds: zero english, when in fact he had even been in the post-Amin cabinet holding the portfolio of Deputy minster of internal affairs, and was even a member of the National Conusltative Council.

9/9 Lango: All but one DP candidate made it to the registration station. Other candidates were chased away by UPC youth wingers/UNLA. The only one that made it was Adoko Nekyon, courtesy to his Oyima clan membership. Even with him, all his 12 supporters were sent running for their lives, so he had no proposer or seconder.

When some people mention the case of Mr Mugwisa, you remind me of UPC impudity. Mubende North East was one of the constituencies where elctions went on to be rigged weeks after voting. At the end of the voting exercise, Dr Sebuliba (DP) was declared the winner. Two weeks later, his seat was allocated to Mr Mugwisa, who was thereafter appointed Agriculture Minister.

For Iganga North East, Luwuliza’s to be constituency, Mr P Wangola (DP) fled to Kenya on 11th Dec 1980 after a squad of UNLAs tried to arrest him. By the time he was forced to flee, he was leading by 28,000 votes, with UPC tagging on with 11,000 in 38 out of 40 polling stations, and even after rigging. The result was eventually announced mid January 1981 on Radio. By the time the announcement was made, Mr Kirunda had 23,144 votes and Mr Wangola had 18,345!

Even in Iganga East, there was similar switching. Mr Nakendo polled 19,859 and Mr Mwonda polled 19,566. Those were switched.

The same story was repeated in Kigezi Central. Mr Kitariko (DP) polled 18,085; while Mr Katama (UPC) polled 17, 827. Those too were switched. At Kashenyi polling station of that constituency, 1,076 ballot papers were received but only 106 were used. Mr Muwanga announced 357, viz, DP: 25; UPC: 330; UPM: 2.

That is when I say: if the opposite of pros is cons, the opposite of progress is Congress!

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

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Mutesa’s Death certificate in the UK says that he died of ‘alcohol poisoning’

May 13, 13 7:58 PM

death certicatemutesa11Mutesa 11′s death certificate in the UK:Follow this link, if you are in the UK, pay £10 by card and you will get Mutesa’s death certificate within 5 days on your doorstep. This is the link:https://eforms.southwark.gov.uk/307.html.

if you have any questions about the names on that certificate, call the Southwark District Registrar’s office and alert them about your concerns. Their telephone contact is: UK 020 7525 7651, their physical address is on this website:http://www.southwark.gov.uk/a_to_z/service/2013/southwark_register_office.

Alternatively, follow the link I give below and pay £10 and the same office will send you your won copy of Kabaka Mutesa’s death certificate within 5 days if you reside in the UK. Link: https://eforms.southwark.gov.uk/307.html. They will sens you somethng like this:

If you happen to visit them in person, they will show the full physical register of deaths recorded in 1969. They will take you to page 763 that will show you Edward Mutesa and the page will look like this image below:

When you zoom in further on the fifth entry on the right side, you will see Edward Mutesa’s full names and initials as they are reflected on the death certificate. NPG x73138; Sir Edward Frederick William David Walugembe Mutebi Luwangula Mutesa II, Kabaka of Buganda by Bassano

Alternatively, go to the website called Ancestry.co.uk on the page for deaths, births, etc at this link: http://search.ancestry.co.uk/search/category.aspx?cat=34. Under search, fill in the Kabaka’s names and enter. You will be given exactly those names and initials. You can pay if you want, to get the full record. If you pay, all you will get is that page 763 of the register, so better not waste you money anyway

In my last years of service in UA I worked in what was called the NAAFI…Navy, Army and Airforce Institute…some kind of Army shop, name copied from the British. We had no Navy! Anyhow, we used to receive some goodies from the UK, remember the Stansted shuttle? These at times included Newspapers and magazines.

In October 1972 we got a bundle that included the Sunday Times Magazine of 22nd. I grabbed it before the CO saw it and I have kept it in my archives ever since. It gave coverage of the highlights of Kabaka Mutesa’s life, under the heading, ‘The King who died in Bermondsey’, written by one Mark Amory.

Below are excerpts from that magazine. I think it might settle some of your doubts and the speculations of many. He was a heavy drinker and as those excerpts show, at PM he was found with 408mg of alcohol per 100 ml of blood. That was above the life-threatening threshold of 400.

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

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BY MAY 1966, BUGANDA KINGDOM WAS PENNILESS; DEPOSED MUTESA DESTINED FOR PENURY

May 13, 13 5:34 PM

Sarah Kisosonkole Kabeja, the mother of Ssabassajja Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II.Just as she looks in this picture - very kind, beautiful and lovely!!! R.I.P

Sarah Kisosonkole Kabeja, the mother of Ssabassajja Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II.Just as she looks in this picture – very kind, beautiful and lovely!!! R.I.P

1/8 To fully appreciate Kabaka Mutesa’s financial predcament in exile from 1966, we have to look back at the fiscal sources of the 1966 fiasco that led to that exile. Let me try to give the facts as I was made to understand them in my P4 civics classes. Initial troubles centred on the financial position of Buganda, leading to protracted wrangles between Entebbe and Mmengo over the interpretation of Article 1 of schedule 9 of the 1962 constitution (See pp. 173-4 1962 Constitution at compatriotto, http://www.scribd.com/doc/20262240/Uganda-Constitution-1962). The Central government sought to deduct from its grants to Mmengo additional revenue accruing to Buganda from graduated tax on non-Africans, rents received from public land, leases to urban authorities etc.

2/8 Earlier on, the Relationship Commission (Munster Commission) had laid out the means through which the central government would maintain firm financial discipline over local authorities but curiously, Mmengo did not think that those stipulations applied to Buganda insisting that its relationship with the centre was special and different from that of other local authorities. This (mistaken) view was largely informed by the leverage Buganda had over the UPC government, having eased it into power through the UPC-KY alliance. In spite of that, though, AM Obote is remembered to have insisted that, “we refuse to sign a blank cheque to the Buganda Government”.

3/8 For all its feeling of being special, Buganda was however not assisted by the never-ending financial misdemeanours by the Michael Kintu ministry (Kintu was the Katiikiro until he was deposed in 1964 after Buganda lost in the referendum over the “lost counties”). While Buganda had £1 million in its coffers by the end of 1958, this had dwindled to a mere £465,000 in 1960. In 1963, it was in the red by £226,863.

4/8 In 1965, the Planning Commission of the Buganda Government warned that the Kabaka’s government was on the brink of bankruptcy and that the ministers whose nepotism had reached new limits were the worst offenders. The report also sent out danger signs on the state of morale of the Buganda civil service which it warned, had reached a very low ebb. Another report of a committee led by a Makerere academic, DP Ghai warned that the feeble control by the central government on public expenditure in the kingdom had resulted in a perilous financial situation at Mmengo.

5/8 In 1965, Buganda finances were already in a considerable overdraft but even then, Mmengo went ahead to craft a budget that right from conception, suffered a deficit of £430,000, all this on top of a sum of £200,000 loaned internally to key officials at Mmengo for personal use.

6/8 Through all this, the services that had been transferred to the Buganda government as a federal authority were being heavily subsidised by the central government. Even in the face of that reality and evidence of financial indiscipline, Mmengo wanted the payer of the piper not to have anything to do with calling the tune: the Kabaka Government insisted that in spite of Central government subsidies, Mmengo was entitled to spend according to its own policies and legislation. Entebbe on the other had insisted that it was not obliged to subsidise schemes over which it had no control, particularly in light of reports of serious financial impropriety on the part of the Kabaka Government.

7/8 All this tussling was happening against the backdrop of the pending resolution of the thorny question of the “lost counties” (Buyaga and Bugangaizi) of Bunyoro; which the 1961 Constitutional Conference, attended by Buganda, was supposed to be resolved by a referendum to be held by the central government on a convenient date not earlier than two years after independence, i.e., after 8th October 1964.

8/8 Thus the stage was set for a serious political stalemate between Entebbe and Mmengo……the rest is….as much of history as it is hysteria.


Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

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MUSEVENI’S RESCUE FROM KIREKA ROADBLOCK: WEEKLY TOPIC, 17TH OCTOBER 1980

May 6, 13 8:39 PM

rescueThe Vice Chairman of the Military Commission Mr. Yoweri Museveni, who is also interim Chairman of the Uganda Patriotic Movement, was rescued from a road-block at Kireka near Kampala on Saturday after being held there for nearly four hours. The rescue was effected by Museveni’s own security personnel who acted after receiving information that he was being held there on the orders of some ‘Mukubwa’ at Nile Mansions.

Information reaching Weekly Topic Investigation Desk indicates that as Museveni was driving towards Ki­reka at about 6.30 p.m. he was overtaken by a car driven by an army officer who is understood to have issued orders at the Kireka Road block that Museveni should be detained there until further orders were received from Nile Mansions.

On arriving at the road block Museveni introduced himself and was told by the soldiers at the road block that they had instructions from ‘Our Mukubwa’ to de­tain him there until further instructions. The Vice Chair­man of the Military Commi­ssion – the ruling body in the country – patiently remained at the road block, together with his wife and five-year-old son for four hours. Meanwhile his two escorts had been disarmed.

At one stage there was disagreement between the soldiers manning the road block; some saying that there was no legitimate reason to hold Museveni there and others maintaining that they were under strict order to do so.
Somehow, nobody knows exactly how, soldiers respo­nsible for Museveni’s personal security learnt that he was being detained at Kireka and mobilised a contingent that rushed to the scene. Accord­ing to eyewitnesses, the Vice Chairman’s security perso­nnel arrived at Kireka in an atmosphere of grave tension and only a timely interve­ntion by Museveni prevented what could have been a bloody incident. He was immediately rushed home.

Whatever explanation for the incident one might care to offer, the political significance of the Kireka affair has not escaped the critical analysis of political observers. This is particularly so be­cause it came in the immediate aftermath of a week of concerted personal attacks and tau­nts against Museveni and the UPM by the UPC leadership.

It is, for example, a matter for easy recollection that a few days before, UPC’s Obote had challenged Museveni’s position as Vice Chairman of the Military Commission in a speech that was broadcast live by the National Radio. And the UPC organ, The People, published an article under a crude headline screaming:’Museveni is bogus’.

Political observers believe that the UPC are spoiling for an immediate showdown with the UPM, and that the week of taunts and snubs directed against the UPM boss was intended to provoke Museveni and the UPM leadership into ‘making a first move’, as one observer put it. According to this theory, the UPC leadership is stalking for an opportunity to ‘solve’what they commonly refer to as ‘the Museveni problem’, once (and) for all.

In another recent incident, gunmen attacked and fired at the car of Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda, Deputy Minister of Health, at his home. Dr. Rugunda is a key member of the UPM National Executive Committee who is known to be a close confidant of Muse­veni.

It has also been learnt that the UPM Secretary for Mpigi District, Herman Mugoye, was abducted from his house at Kajansi by armed men in Uniform. Efforts by UPM officials traced him to a room in Nile Mansions where, it is understood, he was being urged to ‘co-operate’.

At a press conference in the course of the week, Democratic Party boss Paul Semogerere complained that DP suppo­rters in various parts of the country are being subjected to intimidation and torture. These are the conditions under which the Uganda citizenry are proceeding towards the ‘fair and free’ elections on December 10. 1980.

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

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Wasn’t Amin Forced to Rule At Gun Point?

May 5, 13 8:38 PM

OBIT IDI AMINAs a military convoy was approaching Major General Idi Amin’s residence, he received information about the impending arrest and jumped over the back fence to escape.

While the military searched his house, Amin first took refuge at the neighbors and from there, proceeded to Kenya.

Obote was president of Uganda at the time and had implicated the Army General in a defense scandal where Amin was accused of having misappropriated public funds.

But for the military man, these were trumped up charges and the real purpose of the arrest was to eliminate him.

There were rumors of a so-called “Lango Master Plan” where the army and government officers of the Luo tribe (Acholis and Langis) were said to be preparing a genocide-like purge of the government of Uganda so that they would take full control of the country.

Obote called Amin back and reassured him. Soon after, Amin was promoted to be the most senior officer in the army.

This promotion brought a new uproar from senior Luo officers in the army and government. One of their arguments was that Lt. Colonel Oyite Ojok who was Army Quarter Master General at the time, was more educated than Amin and therefore deserved the promotion.

Oyite Ojok was also one of their own, a Luo.

President Obote now faced serious decent from his own tribesmen and had to appease them lest they turned their weapons against him.

By 1971, rumors about the impending Master Plan were rife again. Top on the list for elimination was Major General Idi Amin Dada, the head of the army.

He had to be eliminated for the plan to succeed.

Those seeking for his neck claimed to Obote that Amin had planned the assassination attempt on the President in Lugogo in 1969.

They also told the President that the death of Brigadier Okoya and his wife in Gulu was planned and implemented by Amin. They however failed to link the military man to the double murder when matters.

Indeed it was discovered that Idi Amin had actually been at his hometown of Arua at the time of the Brigadiers death.

With all the accusing fingers trying to blame Amin, and with President Milton Obote under pressure from his fellow Luo tribesmen, the Master Plan quickly gathered momentum in a series of secret meetings.

Tensions started rising within the army, including even with the families of officers in the barracks’.

During the line up for rations, wives and children of the Luo officers would openly threaten those of the other tribes, pushing them out of the line and warning them about the impending purge whereby the Luo’s would rule Uganda.

In the Master Plan, the soldiers from the West Nile region of Uganda had to be eliminated since they were in big numbers in the army. And Amin, a known combatant and fighter, was from West Nile.

In a last meeting before travelling to the Common wealth meeting of Singapore, Obote is said to have agreed to the implementation of the Master Plan to take place while he was on the official trip abroad from the 14th to the 24th of January.

23rd January 1971 was code named “Bloody Sunday” for what was going to happen on that day, and Obote would be away at the time and therefore not be seen to have a hand in it.

Amin and many Uganda Army officers and soldiers were now in mortal danger.

Lt Col Okwang, a Luo and Commanding Officer of Lubiri military barracks was tasked to handle the implementation of the operation in his barracks. One Captain Keneri a sniper specialist was tasked to clear Amin upon his arrival back from Egypt were he (Amin) had gone for treatment.

With events in motion, Obote left for the Commonwealth meeting.

Amin got to know of the assassination attempt and avoided it. He then called a press conference on the 16th of January 1971 to announce the attempt on his life by elements close to Obote.

This brought more sympathy to Amin within the army and the country at large as he was already the most popular military officer in Uganda. Soldiers had always revered him for his hands on approach and his ability to easily mix and associate with the common man.

In the streets, people were genuinely concerned about what was happening in the leadership of the country and also what was happening against Idi Amin.

Suddenly on the 23rd of January, (the date for Bloody Sunday of the Master Plan) new developments started unfolding in the Lubiri barracks, the main military facility in the capital Kampala and former official residence of King Muteesa II, deposed first president of Uganda and King of Buganda.

Senior Luo officers in the facility started disarming all soldiers hailing from the other parts of Uganda and ordered them to take the day off.

Luo soldiers were brought in to replace them particularly on guard duty.

Sgt Major Musa Yaoga who was from West Nile, was duty officer in charge of the security of Lubiri Barracks. He was summarily detained to avoid any mishap of the plan.

At the time, many soldiers were just glad to be released from duty so as to enjoy their free time in the nearby Kisenyi bars.

At around 16:00, an announcement was made to the effect that Johny’s mess, where all the lowly ranked soldiers usually had their meals from, was to be the venue of an important officers meeting. All soldiers were ordered to stay away from the venue and instead gather unarmed at the Officers mess where they would be confined.

The meeting took place in the evening after 7pm and involved only Luo military officers.

When the meeting was over, the confined soldiers saw these officers and their kinsmen lining up at the armory to pick weapons and ammunition.

When other soldiers who had avoided being locked in the officers mess tried to join the line for their duty weapons, they were told off and also sent for confinement.

Suspicions now peaked within the military facility. People’s worst fears about the Master Plan were becoming reality right in front of their eyes. And they, in Lubiri, were about to become the first victims.

One soldier, Private Lubari from West Nile, escaped from the barracks and headed for nearby Kisenyi suburb where his comrades who had been relieved of guard duty were enjoying the evening.

He alerted them of what was happening in the barracks and mentioned that the Luo soldiers were now picking weapons from the armory and also disarming and locking up everyone else.

This group from Kisenyi got up and dashed back to the barracks to see what was happening.

Upon arrival, the quarter guard at the entrance of the barracks had been blocked and no one was allowed to enter the barracks.

The group returning from Kisenyi then suddenly received oncoming fire from the armed soldiers and had to retreat. But they only went around the barracks’ and climbed over the perimeter wall under the cover of darkness.

They then proceeded quietly to the area where all the Armored Personnel Carriers at the facility were parked.

One Private Musa Gala jumped in one of the APC vehicles. There were no keys to start the vehicle as all keys were usually kept together with all weapons at the armory.

He found a six inch nail and a key-like opener of tinned beef, fidgeted with that for a while to start the vehicle.

Suddenly, the APC roared into life.

His other comrades gathered around the vehicle for cover as Gala drove the vehicle through the compound.
Destination? The Armory.

Upon reaching there, the Private rammed the vehicle through the armory door shattering the buildings front wall with it.

His comrades dashed into the premises and helped themselves with weapons and ammunition.

Others grabbed the keys of the remaining military vehicles and very soon, several Armoured Personnel Carriers with heavy machine gun fire supported by foot soldiers armed to the teeth, were attacking the Luo soldiers in every corner of the barracks and liberating colleagues.

It is at this point that Amin is contacted from the communication system of one of the APC’s and told of what was happening at the barracks.

He orders the soldier to report to his official residence known as the Command Post for a debriefing.

After being told of unfolding events, Amin orders the Corporal to place the APC strategically in the middle of the road leading to the premises so as to prevent any would be attackers from gaining access to the residence.

Meanwhile, Sgt Major Musa Yoga, who had been released by his comrades from the Lubiri lock-ups, was now commanding the fight inside the barracks.

Some of the Luos fled for their lives, others got arrested and some were killed or injured in the firefight.

After clearing the facility, Yoga proceeded to deploy military vehicles with support troops into the city.

Two APC’s were sent to Parliament. Another two deployed to Amins residence in Kololo, a few at Radio Uganda, some at the Main Post Office and others patrolling the city.

More military vehicles were then sent to the towns of Jinja, Masaka, Mubende and Mbarara.

Amin, as Army Chief, quickly contacted all the commanders around the country ensuring that all military facilities were calm and that there would be no further fire fights.

On the 24th of January, everything seemed relatively quiet and a decision had to be taken as to what to do next.

Obote was to return soon, and for the Lubiri soldiers, that meant getting back to square one where their lives would once again be in danger.

It is at this point that one Sgt Major, requested Amin to lead the country. A request that Amin immediately rejected.

The soldiers also immediately turned their guns on Amin saying they would rather kill him and themselves if Amin didn’t take over as President.

Faced with the inevitable, (they were now all in the same boat anyway), all other imaginable options seemed worse for Amin and the officers from Lubiri.

Amin agreed to be president.

The Sgt Major then went on air on radio Uganda on the 25th of January to announce the military take-over led by Major General Idi Amin Dada.

The so called Master Plan had failed upon implementation and many Luo officers and soldiers were to suffer the backlash of their planned genocide after the take-over.

It is only later in the 90′s that elders from West Nile and those from Luo tribes were able to sit together, forgive each other and put that cycle of violence and retribution to rest.

But while many in Uganda and around the world today believe that Amin instigated a Military Coup against Apollo Milton Obote, what actually happened was an act of self defense by a bunch of soldiers from Lubiri barracks who had been enjoying a day off in the nearby Kisenyi suburb.

The Coup of 1971 was an incredibly ethnic development, and it didn’t belong to Amin. The coup belonged to Private Musa Gala, Sgt Major Aswa, Sgt Major Musa Yoaga. Corporal Lubari, Abdalatif, and around 200 other soldiers of all tribes and religions of Uganda who had feared for their lives and had to fight and take-over in order to survive Bloody Sunday.

by Hussein Juruga Lumumba Amin

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The last days of Bob Astles! His distinctive recollection

Jan 31, 13 7:10 AM

bobRobert “Bob” Astles (1924 – 29 December 2012). Bob Astles was born in Ashford, Kent. He joined the British Indian Army as a teenager and then the Royal Engineers, reaching the rank of Lieutenant. Of his war service, he recalls: “I enjoyed being with other nationalities and their fights for world recognition during World War II.” He was 21 when he left the United Kingdom for Africa. He was a British soldier and colonial officer who lived in Uganda and became an associate of presidents Milton Obote and Idi Amin.

In 1958, he married Monica, who had come to Uganda with him from Kent. A year later, after they had divorced, Astles married an aristocratic member of the Buganda kingdom, Mary E. SsenKaatuuka, and they later adopted two children.

Mary E. Ssenkaatuuka served as Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Sports and Culture under Frances Nyangweso later on Idi Amin appointed Ssenkaatuuka Minister of Sports and Culture while Hajati Farida Kateregga the Wife of Hajji Kateregga from Kawempe took over the duties of permanent secretary in the same ministry.

Robert Bob Astles later lived in Wimbledon London, and continued to deny the allegations for which he was imprisoned. After returning to Britain, he dedicated his life to campaigning against superpower interference in African political and economic affairs. He also contributed political commentaries to a number of publications associated with Africa.

In the photos with Bob Astles at his residence in London is Ezzelddeen Haggaz and standing behind is Captain Muhammad Seruwagi. Bob Astles died in December 2012 at the age of 88

In the photos with Bob Astles at his residence in London is Ezzelddeen Haggaz and standing behind is Captain Muhammad Seruwagi. Bob Astles died in December 2012 at the age of 88

The last days of Bob Astles! His distinctive recollection

Question: As a person who knew Uganda very well since your early days what is your account about the country?

Astles: The most progressive and advanced of all African countries if we consider Buganda alone within the period 1900 to 1960 but fell somewhat by being involved by British Colonial power into the formation of a country involving mini-nations.

Question: What was your role, contribution to the development of Uganda?

Astles: Colonial officer within the Ministry of Works from 1952. I set up a progressive Tutorial’s farm and the formation of Uganda Aviation with the first African Directors from Kenya and Uganda. Semei Nyanzi was a Ugandan and a Kenyan director was Professor David Wassaw. Later I understand he become a prominent politician. I was also a Chairman and founder member of the Anti-Racial Uganda Club under the leadership of Governor Sir Andrew Cohen.

Question: What are the difficulties you found in the country where you had stayed for quite a reasonable number of years?

Astles: I was tortured detained on a number of occasions, but I trust Ugandans. If they were not friends, I would be the lingering skeletons on this planet. At one time Idi Amin ordered that I should be tortured and I was placed in a container full of the mixture human feces and urine and only my neck remained in air. I spent a good number of days in jails.


Question: You have mentioned Amin, what was your relationship with him and how did you meet Amin…?

Astles: When I was a pilot, I was told by Dr. Apollo Milton Obote to fly Amin to Congo for operations around Katanga regions. That was my first time and he liked me. We came to know each other but it was the president that had directed me to fly him to Congo. Then during around when Uganda was about to host the OAU, he invited me to help in the civil aviation, which he named Uganda Airlines.

Question: People are putting in to you that you terrorized them during Amin’s regime when they were smuggling some goods. Is that true? To whose order were you operating?

Astles: Smuggling is part of corruption and as an individual I hate corruption because it has ruined the entire whole of Africa. Second those are total open lies about me. In the first place Uganda is my nationality, I have a family in Uganda and any sober person wouldn’t wish them the abject poverty. Some greedy politicians who used to engage in such scum are peddling those lies. They are not mentioning about items that used to come in. I told you that all my plans were to help the common Ugandan irrespective of his or her background. For example, when I started Civil Aviation which was later named Uganda Airline was it for one man? Of course it helped every Uganda until it has been disbanded. I don’t think it still has a single plane.

Question: How many exact years did you spend in Uganda?

Astles: I first entered Buganda in 1949 on special duties during the Bataka Riots. And I was impressed with the Baganda and their way of fighting against Colonialism. Then I decided to become part of Buganda and resigned my Engineering work in Jordan. That was a very difficult decision and worse than elsewhere on this planet.
Question: Before coming to Uganda which other countries in Africa, Europe, Asia, Latin America, and Middle-East had you stayed in?

Astles: I had served in Indian Army and Middle East. I enjoyed, being with other nationalities and their fights for world recognition, during the World War II. Most of the guys from Africa in particular were brilliant at the front line, but unfortunately, their contributions are not mentioned.


Question:-[Can you enumerate some of] the messes that Uganda has faced before and after independence?

Astles: Augustine Kamya’s Asian Boycott–that boycott did considerable damage before Independence; Protestant and Catholic political issues in Buganda and East Acholi; Stubborn attitude of Katikiro Kintu before and after, hatred that instilled between Baganda, Acholi and Langi, also had a very big damage; Going into Independence with a white-officiated army with no African cadre officers; Giving all training to foreign powers both West and East had a lot in destabilizing Buganda.

Question: What problem does the government likely face if it has a large number of untrained/uneducated people?

Astles: Disaster. We have seen this with the East and West of Africa, especially in the armies and consequently coups. Untrained people, young men in particular are easily persuaded to join the rebellions and the results of rebellion are loss of lives. These kinds of rebellions have considerably did a substantial damage to almost every African family.

question: How would you shed light on events of the globe that caused African, Latin America, Asia and Middle East countries to lag behind in comparison to their counter parts in Europe, America and Canada?

Astles: Catholic anti-Protestant against child birth. Illiteracy and [ethnic] disputes Corruption, mainly introduced by the Western subjects entered into independence, during the time of the concept certain faith. High technology the windup Gramophones to the marvels of the chip makes it Impossible for the Third World to catch up. Only Africa can supply the essential minerals to keep the West alive. But African leaders fail to see this and pocket the pitiable bribes for themselves. For instance Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Angola, South

Africa, Nigeria to name a few. Just think of the 1984 Bhopal disaster or Uganda’s Saafi Saafi cotton scandal.

Question: What was your main role in Idi Amin’s government?

Astles: Get this right! In 1964, I was directed by Dr. Apollo Milton Obote’s government to be Amin’s pilot during the Congo crisis until my position was taken by Israeli pilots in 1966. Since 1966, I had never seen Amin, until May 1975. He had arrested me in 1971, along with Ex-minister Kalule Ssettaala and placed me into Rustication. In 1972 he announced on Radio that I was one of the rotten apples and slung me into Makindye Military barracks for 17 weeks, later to be introduced on UTV and Radio Uganda to deplore the old regime of Obote. Then in May 1975, he called me back from Rustication to return my Uganda Aviation for the O.A.U Summit. In the first week I found a massive corruption and reported such to his close friend and Minister Lule. Lule betrayed me. Then Amin nationalized my Aviation. I fled Uganda in May 1976 to UK, and then I was re-arrested in Kenya and brought back to Uganda where I spent about six years in Luzira prison.

Question: I understand that one day, you were going to be hanged but you later found that the machine was faulty. How do you recall that moment?

Astles: Luzira Political prison was to show me the real genuine quality of the Ugandan people. Myself being the only white man, out of the 2,000 prisoners, I never quarrel in six years. Both political detainees and Uganda prison staff looked after me. I was the evil for the Tanzanian troops that tortured me to the extent that I could not eat and I used to be fed like a baby. They killed Uganda detainees. I was tortured to the point of being fed like a young chimpanzee. By then political detainees used to smuggle in food for me. That is why I have lot of respect for Africans. They are so determined because they could at time risk their lives to at least ensure that I get something to eat.


Question: What allegations had been placed against you by the by then Regime to be detained again?

Astles: Some allegations were made but had no substance and were thrown out of court. I found out that one of Obote’s ministers was after revenge over his double standard and dealings whilst in exile with Obote and Amin’s Brigadier Maliyamungu, so I had to be kept quite.
Question: How would you advise the principal backers of those autocratic leaders that hold back their citizens?
Astles: These people are supported by America. No one can advise America. They need oil and minerals to serve and guide their interests. There is no compassion in this country. You just cannot talk to Uncle Sam. I have the hopeless situation to be rectified. There is no other solution other than looking on. They have already established in Africa and it would be disaster to remove Museveni. In my opinion it was good for Ugandans to give Museveni a third term to avoid any obliteration. Ugandans in fact were wise. One can’t blame them. They are focused. It seems that they had binoculars. To avoid chaos they had no alternative but to give the greedy person other than returning to the previous problems.

Question: In your analysis, what impact or change did Amin bring to Uganda?

Astles: He brought disaster. Certainly he helped the very poor and beggars but ruined the nation’s economy. The British, Asians who refused to take out Uganda’s citizenship, can thank him for being allowed into Britain. All this Amin affair was brought about the by then British Political thinking and distrust of African Socialism [which Obote advocated].


Question: What do you think to be the main cause that hindered the development of Africa?

Astles: Corruption is the major factor that has hindered African development more than education. Otherwise Africa would be one of the richest continents on this planet. They have natural resources, but corrupt leaders supported by the superpowers of this world have contributed to the Africa’s lagging behind. Most of African leaders’ bag in even small bribes, which is a real betrayal of their respective country and above all nationalism, is no longer at the hearts of these leaders. They could have united and started to dictate to the superpowers that ‘this should be like this, we want this,’ but the superpowers still dictate and decide for Africans.


Question: In brief, how did you find Africans and Uganda in particular?

Astles: Truly speaking, I did not find enemies and certainly lived in peace on my farm in Kyaggwe Luwafu. My troubles came with the corrupt individuals pretending to serve Amin for example Henry Kyemba former Minister of Health, Amin trusted him and gave him about Seven Million US Dollars to go and purches medicin for the Ministry the man disappeared with with the money to today. As for me I have traveled widely and I have seen Ugandans, the real jewel of Nationhood. They are truly the jewels of Africa. If they re-shape their opinions, you can see the real Pearl of Africa. I would be dead, if I had a big headed character. I always tell journalists that, if you want to survive in Africa just respect Africans. They will in turn respect you and will not hate you. But if you do otherwise, it will be very big problem for you. Africans are good intellectuals. They are not mentioned in their contribution during the World War II… I want to tell you, that many Baganda who served in the World War II, were recruited in medicine, Intelligence or anti-Aircraft.


Question: How do you rate the current Buganda and the time you came in the country?

Astles: Simple. Everything about the government of Buganda was a real eye-opener. From 1949 and exactly from January, 1952 when I worked closely within the Baganda Society, first with Mukasa Churchill whom I had met during the Burma fighting. On our second meeting in Buganda, he gave me the name of Lubowa from e’Ngo (Leopard) clan in 1953. And other Baganda like Leonard Basudde of Masaka, Kawalya, Kaggwa, Sempa, Kintu (Katikiro) and many other great names. Buganda had a lot in common to Britain. Buganda was an amazing Kingdom and perhaps the base of democracy in the entire Africa. And I believe that, the kind of democracy the world has seen in Africa. We have got to see Buganda great again before it’s too late and corrupted by the present Americanism and West seeking trade. It’s bad enough to see the once great Kingdom getting weaker and weaker. From imported endemic AIDS, which has now consumed human lives like maize-mill machine, it is real tragic by the Western sex trade.
Regards

Astles: Truly speaking, I did not find enemies and certainly lived in peace on my farm in Kyaggwe Luwafu. My troubles came with the corrupt individuals pretending to serve Amin for example: Henry Kyemba the former Minister of Health, Amin trusted him and gave him about Seven Million US Dollars, to go and purches medicin for the Ministry, the man disappeared with the money to today. As for me I have traveled widely and I have seen Ugandans, the real jewel of Nationhood. They are truly the jewels of Africa. If they re-shape their opinions, you can see the real Pearl of Africa. I would be dead, if I had a big headed character. I always tell journalists that, if you want to survive in Africa just respect Africans. They will in turn respect you and will not hate you. But if you do otherwise, it will be very big problem for you. Africans are good intellectuals. They are not mentioned in their contribution during the World War II… I want to tell you, that many Baganda who served in the World War II, were recruited in medicine, Intelligence or anti-Aircraft.


Question: How do you rate the currentBuganda and the time you came in the country?

Astles: Simple. Everything about the government of Buganda was a real eye-opener. From 1949 and exactly from January, 1952 when I worked closely within the Baganda Society, first with Mukasa Churchill whom I had met during the Burma fighting. On our second meeting in Buganda, he gave me the name of Lubowa from e’Ngo (Leopard) clan in 1953. And other Baganda like Leonard Basudde of Masaka, Kawalya, Kaggwa, Sempa, Kintu (Katikiro) and many other great names. Buganda had a lot in common to Britain. Buganda was an amazing Kingdom and perhaps the base of democracy in the entire Africa. And I believe that, the kind of democracy the world has seen in Africa. We have got to see Buganda great again before it’s too late and corrupted by the present Americanism and West seeking trade. It’s bad enough to see the once great Kingdom getting weaker and weaker. From imported endemic AIDS, which has now consumed human lives like maize-mill machine, it is real tragic by the Western sex trade.

Ezzelddeen Haggaaz
Cairo International Bank UK Representative.
Mob{1}:00447960040088 Mob{2}:00447960607461
Email :ehaggaaz@yahoo.co.uk UG:00256772904848
Website: http//www.cairiointernationalbank.co.ug

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Benjamin Banneker- The Black Man Who Designed Washington DC

Dec 8, 12 7:52 PM

Benjamin-BannekerIn the Stevie Wonder song “Black Man,” the Motown marvel sings of Benjamin Banneker: “first clock to be made in America was created by a black man.” Though the song is a fitting salute to a great inventor (and African Americans in general), it only touches on the genius of Benjamin Banneker and the many hats he wore – as a farmer, mathematician, astronomer, author and land surveyor.

Like a lot of early inventors, Benjamin Banneker was primarily self-taught. The son of former slaves, Benjamin worked on the family tobacco farm and received some early education from a Quaker school. But most of his advanced knowledge came from reading, reading and more reading. At 15 he took over the farm and invented an irrigation system to control water flow to the crops from nearby springs. As a result of Banneker’s innovation, the farm flourished – even during droughts.

But it was his clock invention that really propelled the reputation of Benjamin Banneker. Sometime in the early 1750s, Benjamin borrowed a pocket watch from a wealthy acquaintance, took the watch apart and studied its components. After returning the watch, he created a fully functioning clock entirely out of carved wooden pieces. The clock was amazingly precise, and would keep on ticking for decades. As the result of the attention his self-made clock received, Banneker was able to start up his own watch and clock repair business.
Benjamin Banneker a Multi-Genius

Benjamin Banneker’s accomplishments didn’t end there. Borrowing books on astronomy and mathematics from a friend, Benjamin engorged himself in the subjects. Putting his newfound knowledge to use, Banneker accurately predicted a 1789 solar eclipse. In the early 1790s, Banneker added another job title to his resume – author. Benjamin compiled and published his Almanac and Ephemeris of Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland (he would publish the journal annually for over a decade), and even sent a copy to secretary of state Thomas Jefferson along with a letter urging the abolition of slavery.

Impressed by his abilities, Jefferson recommended Banneker to be a part of a surveying team to lay out Washington, D.C. Appointed to the three-man team by president George Washington, Banneker wound up saving the project when the lead architect quit in a fury – taking all the plans with him. Using his meticulous memory, Banneker was able to recreate the plans. Wielding knowledge like a sword, Benjamin Banneker was many things – inventor, scientist, anti-slavery proponent – and, as a result, his legacy lives on to this day.

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I Wrote to Obote about the army in 1981- George Okello

Nov 4, 12 8:20 PM

Comrades,

I think if UPC was incompetent, it because it was slow to follow the advice that people like myself gave, I am afraid my advice was to take drastic and ruthless action against dissidents in the army, to professionalise the army itself, to get rid of uneducated serving officers and soldiers in the army and to improve civil-military relationships.

In 1981, I was the President of Students at the Law Development Centre. Before that, I was Chairman of Livingstone Hall, at Makerere University and a leading member of the UPC Youth League, therefore one of the most influential student leaders at that time. This was a
very difficult time for the country and for the party. The NRA had launched its terrorist activities in Luwero and I spent most of my time defending the UPC policy while at the same time criticising it.

The UPC government listened to advice and sent some army and intelligence officers to attend the 9 month law course at the LDC. But not all of these, I think 10, were well disciplined.

One night, one of these soldiers got into a quarrel with another student, in fact a very petty quarrel over a woman. The other student ran into his room and locked the door. This soldier, an Acholi man, had a pistol and he started to shoot at the door so as to open it.

Frightened students run to the warden’s residence and then began to knock frantically on my door. I went out and confronted this man, told him he must stop shooting and he must hand over his pistol to me. I was alone with him on the corridor, unarmed, the rest of the students were cowering in the corridors in terror. After 10 tense minutes, he finally agreed to hand over his gun to me, on the promise that no legal action would be taken against him. About 30 minutes later, military intelligence officers arrived, and they took the gun away from me and arrested the man. When I met with them the following day,
I explained to them what had happened, the promise I made to the man to give up his gun, so they agreed to let him continue with his studies but that any further action would be taken within military rules of discipline.

I tell you this story to address this specific question of so-called Acholi nationalism. I met David Oyite Ojok in Lira Hotel and spent almost the whole day with him. I met him with a full agenda, of the students, of whom I was one of the top leaders, as well as the UPC Youth League. He was a very patient man, listened carefully to what I
had to say. Obviously I was very young then, at about 20 years of age and he needed all the patience in the world to digest the diatribe or “rantings” of a fiery Socialist.

Be that as it may, I gave him an analysis of the Ugandan situation and especially of the Ugandan security forces. I cited this incident at the LDC. He said the army and security services are dealing with these incidents, but admitted that they hurt the image of the UPC as a party and government.

I am not ashamed to admit this, but I advised him to have Bazilio Okello arrested or eliminated altoghter and for Tito Okello to be retired. I strongly advised him to professionalise the army and to get rid of all of the uneducated foot soldiers, a majority of whom happened to be Acholi. I told him there were a lot of high school and
even University graduates who were unemployed who could be drafted into the army and police and security services.

The army had built up a very bad image in Buganda particularly, so it needed to change. The army needed to remove all Acholi soldiers from Buganda and replace them with soldiers from Lango, Teso, Eastern Uganda and most specifically from Buganda itself.

He agreed with me and asked me to put my points in a letter that he would deliver to President Obote. I wrote a 15 page letter to President Obote through David Oyite Ojok. He acknowledged my letter and said he would pass it on to President Obote, but I never got a response from the President’s office.

George Okello

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Captain Otto, ‘Kakono’ and FRONASA -all used to murder Ugandans in the 1980s

Jun 24, 12 4:28 PM

Dear Ugandans,
I moved from a house in Bweyogerere to mid Kampala because the people killed in Kireka Barracks were sending a very terrible stench towards Kireka Bweyogerere and surrounding places. It was massive. And standing today and some people state that then UPC government was not killing Ugandans then they need to question its ability to control its forces. I want you to ask any one that lived from Nakawa all way to Mukono about the commander that was in Kireka barracks and his name was Otto. Don’t say my name just ask about his history. This man entered a shop in Kireka in day light and instructed his escorts to pull out a wife that was selling in the store, they pulled her out in day light as she was firkin screaming, and he took her into the barracks and screwed the brains out of her. He ended up killing the husband for he refused to shut up.

If you stood on Kireka Seventh Day Adventists Head Quarters after midnight, you would hear the screams of Ugandans getting murdered in Kireka barracks. These were very bad days man. And especially when a man like myself that was arrested and thrown into Makindye for months, yes the government was killing Ugandans. Do you actually know how many people that died in my face?

Why do you think I refused to belong to any political party in Uganda? Because unlike some of you that stand up and make such a terrible statement I cannot love a party to a point of lying. For you are lying for the party right now. We rather stand up and clean up but what happened in Uganda way passed a fuck up. And excuse my French sir. The Obote government failed to show the population the difference between its self and Museveni, thus Ffe kasita twebaka Kutulio.

Yes, Museveni’s FRONASA murdered many Ugandans including The Bob Odong Nayendas the attacks on Doctor’s village which killed very many innocent people, yes The Dr Barlow’s were gunned down, and I can go over many names that Ugandans today do not want to remember for we moved on and their deaths were justified if you ask the Ugandans At Heart Moderator, Abbey Ssemuwemba. But all those deaths as they so happened, they are not the issue we are talking about today. This time and only this time we are discussing a local politics that happened in Kireka trading center, where a single Captain that was commanding a mere army band took it upon himself to be a day light killer. The killings Otto did were not the killings of Kampala, for he was never targeting people with political prowess, he was not targeting people for they were powerful but Otto was killing people for you have money, a nice car, a beautiful wife/woman, you walked into a bar and bought beer and you show up next time as well. This killer killed one man I knew so well for he had army beer that he was selling in his store, but Otto himself brought it to him and asked him to sell it, the family had a problem for it would not refuse to accept it for taking it was an order and selling it ended up being a fatal matter. In Kireka all way from Banda to Seeta no one would breath an air if Otto is in the area

As I continue to raise the names of the killers we have had in Uganda, I have another killer in addition to Captain Otto Congwok that I need to raise. The killer I need to raise this time around was based in Kayunga trading centre, but he was posted from Bombo barracks and his name was called Kakono.

Kakono lived in a building in Kayunga that was on off Wabusaana road, and it was the only night club in Kayunga at a time, I do not know if Kakono was his real name or he was named Kakono for he had only one hand. I cannot tell you why he lost a second hand but he had only one hand and he was driving a Peugeot 404 sometimes a 504 and both were white pickups standard and very clean. The back of that building was used as his residence with a couple of soldiers that were being sent to Kayunga from time to time to work with him on the attachment sort of. Kakono was a very aggressive driver and it was interesting to see how he uses his one hand to manipulate the driving of a standard at that speed.

Most of the people that were killed in Bugerere larger area, and all way from Kyabazaala to Ndesse to Kangulumira were being killed by this single man, and he was killing them from that building, loading them on his pickup and dumping the bodies into River Ssezibwa. And if you commuted that stretch from Bukoloto going Ndese through river Ssezibwa at a time you used to see bodies floating on river Ssezibwa and that was a hand work of Kakono in Kayunga. Now before the Edward Pojims raise up to defend this killer, it is important to note that there is no way Kakono can hide anywhere in Uganda for he has a major mark that is not destructible, the man has a single hand. And if you were in Bugerere at a time you must have knowledge of Kakono and his Peugeot pick up that he was driving which was his mobile killing center. My question tonight is what happened to Kakono, and his son for both were killers, and where are they in Uganda today? And if you were in Kayunga at a time, what were the real names of this killer?

Ugandans we need to stand up and mention these killers and hold them responsible for their actions, for murdering people is stupid. We need to stand up and mention the killers in NRM too because Uganda belongs to all of us. If you know anyone murdering Ugandans today, please post those details here because they need to be exposed.

Edward Mulindwa
TORONTO

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Kony is Museveni’s ”business” deal with the international community

Mar 10, 12 8:03 PM

The fight against Kony, or the struggle to uproot him from wherever his hideout is, should not be a US lead intervention. The cry for Museveni, to have Obama, involved in Museveni’s master plan is one of Kaguta’s antiques of making himself more popular as the regions “saviour”.

If and only iF Museveni, was not equally responsible for the Northern Uganda, atrocities, and If Museveni, had nothing to hide from the twenty six year old evils in the Kony camp, he [Museveni] would have smoked his fellow partner in crime a long time ago. He knows how and he has the capacity to do so without the intervention of the US.

Think about it Mr. Kaguta, it took Only eight years for Museveni, with his FRONANSA, and other Ugandan lead guerilla groups, lead by the Obote front line forces, alongside the TPDF forces, to smoke out Idi Amin, in the struggle of “liberating” Uganda.

It took Museveni, about Five years to oust Obote and the Lutwa, junta, with practically no foreign forces involved apart from some financial and military supplies from one or two countries.

It took Museveni, about the same time as that used to remove the Obote/Lutwa junta, to uproot and completely silence the predominantly Hutu regime lead by Habyalimana.

It took Museveni, less than Five years to logistically and militarily back the Laurent Kabila, forces, in the struggle to oust and uproot the Mobutu, thirty two year old tyranny.

We are talking about the man Kaguta, whose military might and threat once lead him across the borders of the Sudan, in an effort to “hunt” for Kony, with little regard of what his other partner in crime Bashir, would do in return. We are talking about Uganda’s dictator, Y.K.Musevei, who had the audacity of sending Ugandan troops across the borders of the DRC, allegedly, in an effort to “hunt” down “Kony” but instead, ended up killing, maiming, raping, looting and plundering the DRC of her minerals. As a result, to date, Uganda, stands accused and convicted in the International Court, the Hague, for atrocities against humanity committed in the DRC.

After twenty six solid years, we are talking about an individual, whose popularity is now growing by the day, because of what Museveni, chose to make him to be. We are talking about a monster, in the names of Kony, which does not have major foreign sponsors, with no experienced military forces on the ground, with no sophisticated military gear, and one which has been seen or heard of bouncing and leaping from one border to another with FREE access and clearance. From the Sudan, to the DRC and now allegedly in Central Africa!

The last time i checked, before the late Idi Amin, passed away, in Saudi Arabia, he tried to make it back to Uganda, through the DRC via Northern Uganda. Once detected, identified and arrested, Museveni, was quick to ask for his repatriation to Uganda to stand trial for his eight year old murder charges. But the late Mobutu, declined sighting that the former Zaire, now DRC, did not have an Extradition Treaty with Uganda. Amin, was consequently released back to the Saudi’s.

Yes, Africa, has done a lot for itself in the recent years, without the help or intervention of the West. Uprooting Kony, from his trenches, does not need the intervention of the West or the US. I repeat, Museveni, knows how and he has all the neccessary capacity to smoke his fellow partner in crime out of the trenches, which am sure Museveni, also knows the whereabouts.

Secondly, It seems like some people are beginning to wake up from their fantasy dreams about a man they only know about but they need to actually know about Milton Obote(AMO) in comparison with their hero, Museveni, in order to know the truth about some historical facts about the past in order to put the present in perspective.

If AMO chose not to kill his would be assassins, which he could have done so right on spot at the Lugogo grounds, why did he decide to detain them in Luzira? That is an honest question am asking them. But let us also look at the Luzira, we are talking about, for i happened to be in the same area where some Ministers were detained under Obote. My presence there will be a story for another day.

Luzira, by then was composed of about four sections, the Remand section[criminal suspects in the upper prison]and the criminal convicted section, then Murchison Bay, which was also another remand section but also served as host for the convicts with less serving time. Then there was the Upper Prison [Political detainees section] The later section of the prison, was more or less like a “vacation” place compared to the rest of the prison wing. For instance, in the “Political wing” you would find there, real beds, furnished with mattress, blankets ans bed sheets. The suspects would be served three meals a day. [Far much better food compared to the rest of the prisoners] the suspects had their own fenced section with only one main gate locked all the time otherwise the individual cells were never locked except on some rare occasions, hence some loitering “freedom” within jail, with more exercise time. The suspects were allowed to wear their own cloths unless if they chose to wear prison uniform. The suspects were allowed visitation previledges more than the regular suspects and convicts.

Now, that was the kind of treatment Obote, gave his would be assassins until Amin, gave them the freedom to celebrate their failed assassination plot. Tell me, how many Museveni advasaries have you heard having such treatment in Museveni’s Uganda?

How many so called “safe houses” exist in Kampala today? Why have we had many dying mysteriously in those so called “safe houses” Where is the Late Lutakome Kayiira(RIP) and where is the official report about his death?

Why has Dr. KB been the most antagonized and brutally tortured politician in the history of Uganda under Museveni? Why is there no political leverage under your so called “democratic rule”

Reveland Kamugisha Joseph
UAH forumist in USA

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